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‹‹ Table of Contents
Volume 28 (2022) No. 1

Desperately Seeking Patrons?
A Little-Known Letter by Tiburzio Massaino

Communication from Martin Morell*

1. Introduction

2. The Composer’s Circumstances and Travels

3. The Letter to Camerarius

Acknowledgments

Appendix: Transcription of Letter

References

1. Introduction

1.1 In June 1594 the composer Tiburzio Massaino, who had recently returned to his native city of Cremona after extensive travels beyond the Alps, wrote an unusual letter to Joachim Camerarius, a physician of Nuremberg (a transcription of the original is appended):[1]

Illustrious and Most Excellent and Respected Lord:

The reports I have had from the most excellent signor Mermann, a thousand times over, regarding the generosity and kindness of Your Lordship embolden me now to request from you that you be so kind as to grant me the following favor. I know that Your Lordship is familiar with[2] some important princes of the church thereabouts, to whom I would willingly dedicate some of my works of music, such as motets for 6 and 5 voices, or masses for 5 and 6 voices. I believe that Your Lordship would not be dishonored thereby, since on other occasions I have dedicated [works] to the Most Serene [ruler] of Bavaria [Wilhelm V], and to the Most Illustrious Fuggers, and to whom I am going to dedicate yet again. Furthermore, in all parts of Christendom my compositions are not disrespected, as you can learn from the musicians in your city. And, because I would have these works printed in Venice, I would desire that you do me a second favor (if you are willing to do the first), namely to prepare the dedications to those princes to whom you decide that I should dedicate the works, and their titles. In all manner of things I defer to your judgment and to your kindly disposition. I would think also that signor Mermann will have written to you about this. And because the journey is quite long, I desire that you reply to me without hesitation, and send whatever is necessary, so that I can arrange matters in order to depart next September. May your kindness excuse my boldness, as I have said, and I kiss your hand.
From Cremona, 6 June 1594
Of your Illustrious and Excellent Lordship
the most solicitous servant
Tiburtio Massaini

2. The Composer’s Circumstances and Travels

2.1 Before examining the content of the letter, it is useful to consider Massaino’s whereabouts and circumstances in the immediately preceding period. On 14 October 1591 he was convicted of sodomy in Salzburg and was given three days to leave the city permanently.[3] It has been assumed that he proceeded from there to Prague,[4] where his presence is attested at the end of May 1592.[5] While this possibility cannot be ruled out altogether, it seems more likely that his first destination was Munich. In the dedication of his Sacri modulorum concentus, qui senis 7, 8, 9, 10, ac duodenis vocibus (RISM M 1275) to Duke Wilhelm V, Massaino states that the pieces therein were “composed by me in Munich under your most merciful protection” (sub tuo clementissmo patrocinio Monachij a me factae), but the place and date of the dedication itself are given as “Prague, 1 July 1592” (Pragæ Kalendis Iulij M.D.LXXXXII). While no trace of Massaino’s Munich sojourn has surfaced to date (and there is no evidence that he held a formal position at the ducal court),[6] it is apparent that a stay in Munich preceded his transfer to Prague.[7] It is worth noting that Massaino’s colleague and fellow Augustinian monk Lodovico Zacconi[8] was one of Duke Wilhelm’s musicians at the time;[9] we may hypothesize that Massaino could have sought material or other assistance from Zacconi.

2.2 It would seem plausible, in any case, that Massaino spent the fall and winter of 1591−92 in Munich, probably relocating to Prague the following spring, presumably in the hope of obtaining employment at the court of Rudolf II. Massaino’s name does not appear in the payment records of Rudolf’s court;[10] there is no evidence that he held a formal position there. However, he apparently had some pre-existing relationship with Rudolf’s Kapellmeister Philippe de Monte; in the dedication of his Liber primus cantionum ecclesiasticarum quatuor vocum (RISM M 1276), dated Prague, 31 May 1592 (Pragæ Pridie Cal[endas] Iunij M.D.XCII), Massaino addresses the older composer familiarly and affectionately, noting in particular his generous hospitality: “Important people and princes are often your guests, and do not disdain to be[11] in your modest lodgings” (Magnates, Principesque viri, non raro tui convivae, in proprio diversoriolo tuo esse non dedignentur). It is not implausible that Massaino counted himself among those who availed themselves of Monte’s generosity.[12]

2.3 Massaino’s movements immediately after his departure from Prague, which probably occurred in the second half of 1592,[13] are uncertain. One clue is provided by his Sacrae cantiones sex vocibus … liber primus (RISM M 1277), published in the same year, 1592, and dedicated to the brothers Markus, Johann (or Hans), and Jakob Fugger of Augsburg.[14] Markus (1529−97), the oldest son of Anton Fugger (1493−1560), had successfully steered the family business out of a difficult period following the bankruptcy of the Spanish crown and the attendant financial crisis.[15] Johann/Hans (1531−98), who briefly became head of the Fugger enterprises upon his brother’s death, had a considerable reputation as a patron of the arts,[16] while Jakob (1542−98) was also involved in the management of the family business. In 1573 the brothers divided the extensive family estates among themselves, thus becoming separate landed proprietors.

2.4 Despite their considerable wealth, however, the Fugger family did not offer extensive prospects for musicians. In Augsburg, the principal positions at the churches patronized by the Fugger family were stably occupied in the early 1590s,[17] and it seems unlikely that Massaino would have been attracted by the prospect of becoming a Kammermusiker at one of their scattered country estates. Barbara Eichner (personal communication) is probably correct in hypothesizing that Massaino’s dedication to the three brothers was reflective more of a general attempt at “networking” among the elite strata of German society than a targeted effort to seek employment with the Fuggers.

2.5 Another clue regarding Massaino’s connection to Augsburg is provided in his dedication of his Primus liber missarum sex vocibus (RISM M 1278) to (another) Jakob Fugger (1567–1626), the son of Hans and destined to become Prince-Bishop of Constance in 1604.[18] The dedication is dated “Kalendis Maij MDXCV” (1 May 1595), by which time Massaino had been back in his native Cremona for some two years; however, Massaino notes appreciatively that he had been considered worthy to be invited to this Jakob Fugger’s Premice, i.e., his first celebration of Mass after ordination (dignusque iudicatus fui, qui invitarer ad primitias). The event in question took place in 1592 at the Jesuit church in Augsburg, amidst great pomp and splendor, and with music composed by Gregor Aichinger for the occasion.[19] Evidently Massaino was not present; had he been there, no doubt the dedication would reflect that circumstance.[20] To sum up, while Massaino in all probability was not in Augsburg on the occasion in question, it cannot be ruled out altogether that he visited at some other time, either earlier or later.[21]

2.6 Regardless of the precise circumstances, it is clear that, despite traveling extensively and producing multiple musical offerings[22] in the period immediately following his forced departure from Salzburg, Massaino failed to secure a long-term position in the German lands. Perhaps reports of what had transpired in Salzburg were in circulation, or perhaps (as the tone of the letter quoted above might suggest; see also below) his demeanor was perceived in some quarters to be overbearing or importunate. In any case, he opted—or, more likely, was obliged—to return to his native Cremona. Lacking stable employment, he presumably would have had to cover his own no-doubt substantial travel expenses; he may well have found himself in financial straits. Once in Cremona, it is likely that he could draw on some degree of familial support,[23] and also obtain a berth at the Augustinian monastery of S. Agostino. Indeed, his presence is attested at a chapter meeting of that institution on 21 August 1593.[24] Several months later, Massaino penned the letter presented at the beginning of this communication.

3. The Letter to Camerarius

3.1 Turning now to the content of the letter, let us first consider its recipient. A prominent and respected Nuremberg physician, Joachim Camerarius (1534−98) was instrumental in founding a Collegium medicum—a professional body responsible for supervising and regulating the practice of medicine—in his native city; he became its dean when the Collegium was eventually established in 1592.[25] In earlier years Camerarius had attended the universities of Padua and Bologna;[26] returning to Nuremberg, he assumed the position of municipal physician. He also became the personal physician of the prince-bishops of Würzburg and Bamberg.[27]

3.2 As Massaino indicates, the (evidently accurate) information that Camerarius was on familiar terms with high-ranking ecclesiastics was supplied to him by “the most excellent signor Mermann.” This person is the physician Thomas Mermann (or Meermann), attached to Wilhelm V’s court in Munich, with whom Massaino must have become acquainted in 1591−92.[28] Massaino dedicated his Quarto libro de’ madrigali a cinque voci of 1594 (RISM M 1293) to Mermann, praising him lavishly for the “infinite kindnesses and most outstanding favors” (infinite gratie, & segnalatissimi favori) that he (Massaino) received throughout the German lands as a result of Mermann’s efforts.[29]  Indeed, Massaino would continue to leverage his relationship with Mermann for some time, mentioning him again in the dedications of his Motectorum quinque vocibus liber quartus of1599 (RISM M 1281) and his Missarum octonis vocibus liber primus of 1600 (RISM M 1283).

3.3 The main purpose of the letter is to request a favor of Camerarius, or more precisely two interrelated favors. The first of these is to enlist his assistance in identifying suitable prospects among prominent ecclesiastics to whom Massaino could dedicate publications of sacred music. The language seems to suggest that the music in question was yet to be written; Massaino appears to be saying, in effect, “Find me the dedicatees, and I’ll compose music for them.” It is hard to judge whether Massaino’s “dedicatee-first-music-later” approach was unusual; no doubt a spectrum of possibilities existed in this respect.[30] In any case, one is tempted to perceive a hint of urgency, if not desperation, behind Massaino’s request.

3.4 The second favor Massaino asks (conditional upon acceptance of the first) is that Camerarius himself undertake to prepare the dedications (farmi le lettere Dedicatorie). Taken literally, this request seems audacious, if not downright presumptuous, although it is quite possible that Massaino intends that Camerarius furnish sufficient information to enable the composer to write the dedications himself. However, Massaino does not say so clearly, and he seems to underscore his own forwardness by adding that he needs the information as soon as possible. How Camerarius reacted cannot be known,[31] but since he was a high-ranking personage socially and a busy man professionally, we may speculate that he might have been less than warmly disposed to grant the favors, particularly the second one.

3.5 In support of his request, Massaino notes pridefully that he has previously dedicated works to Wilhelm V (the aforementioned Sacri modulorum concentus) and to the Fuggers (the Sacrae cantiones sex vocibus … liber primus) and that he intends to do so yet again (à questi, et à quello, son anco per dedicargliene ancora).[32] He then engages in some further efforts at self-promotion: “In all parts of Christendom my compositions are not disrespected, as you can learn from the musicians in your city” (in ogni loco de Christiani le mie compositioni non sono sprezzate, come se ne potrà informare da quelli Musici della Città),[33] the language contrasting rather sharply with that of many contemporary dedications in which composers characterize their abilities much more modestly or even self-deprecatingly. While some deferential phrasing is to be found in the letter (“your generosity and kindness embolden me,” “May your kindness excuse my boldness,” plus the standard opening and closing salutations), the overall impression is gained that Massaino, evidently convinced of being the best in the composing business, harbored certain feelings of superiority. These in turn could perhaps have given rise to a sense of entitlement and an attendant off-putting demeanor.

3.6 Finally, Massaino indicates that he intends to travel—without specifying the destination, but surely back to the German lands—in the following September. We may surmise that Massaino intended to meet in person with some of the personages to be identified by Camerarius,[34] perhaps to present them with advance printed or manuscript copies of his works, and, no doubt, to solicit employment.[35]

3.7 Whatever impression Massaino’s letter may have made on Camerarius, it is apparent that, in practical terms, it yielded no immediate results. As noted earlier, Massaino remained in Cremona until sometime before May 1598,[36] at which point he relocated to Piacenza, under circumstances that are presently unclear.[37] It was only some years later, by which time Massaino had moved on yet again, to become maestro di cappella at Lodi Cathedral, that he resumed the practice of dedicating works to personages in German-speaking lands.[38] Again, these efforts do not seem to have borne fruit, and Massaino lived out the remainder of his professional career in Lodi and (once again) Piacenza, perhaps still yearning for more prestigious positions oltralpe.

Acknowledgments

I wish to express my sincere thanks to Barbara Eichner of Oxford Brookes University for generously sharing information about the existence of the letter, and for numerous comments related to Joachim Camerarius, Thomas Mermann, the Fuggers, the courts of Wilhelm V and Rudolf II, and the musical life of Nuremberg, which have greatly helped to improve these remarks; and also to Licia Mari of the Archivio diocesano di Mantova and her colleagues, for kindly reviewing my transcription of the letter and for perceptive observations regarding its interpretation; and finally to Lorenzo Bianconi for helpful observations on the final text.