The Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music
The Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music
Menu

The Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music

Positioning the references: References may appear either at the right-hand side or at the foot of the screen. Readers can change the position of the references by changing the width of the window. To change the width, either drag the edge of the window or adjust the magnification (Ctrl+ or Ctrl- on PC, Cmd+ or Cmd- on Macintosh).

Reading the references: Use the note numerals to move back and forth between the main text and the references. The links work in both directions. The linked object will move to the top of its frame.

Opening linked files: In recent issues of JSCM, most examples, figures, and tables, along with their captions, open as overlays, covering the text until they are closed. Nevertheless, readers have choices. In most browsers, by right-clicking the hyperlink (PC or Macintosh) or control-clicking it (Macintosh), you can access a menu that will give you the option of opening the linked file (without its caption) in a new tab, or even in a new window that can be resized and moved at will.

Printing JSCM articles: Use the “print” link on the page or your browser’s print function to open a print dialog for the main text and endnotes. To print a linked file (e.g., an example or figure), either use the “print” command on the overlay or open the item in a new tab (see above).

Items appearing in JSCM may be saved and stored in electronic or paper form and may be shared among individuals for all non-commercial purposes. For a summary of the Journal's open-access license, see the footer to the homepage, https://sscm-jscm.org. Commercial redistribution of an item published in JSCM requires prior, written permission from the Editor-in-Chief, and must include the following information:

This item appeared in the Journal of Seventeenth Century Music (https://sscm-jscm.org/) [volume, no. (year)], under a CC BY-NC-ND license, and it is republished here with permission.

Libraries may archive complete issues or selected articles for public access, in electronic or paper form, so long as no access fee is charged. Exceptions to this requirement must be approved in writing by the Editor-in-Chief of JSCM.

Citations of information published in JSCM should include the paragraph number and the URL. The content of an article in JSCM is stable once it is published (although subsequent communications about it are noted and linked at the end of the original article); therefore, the date of access is optional in a citation.

We offer the following as a model:

Noel O’Regan, “Asprilio Pacelli, Ludovico da Viadana and the Origins of the Roman Concerto Ecclesiastico,” Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 6, no. 1 (2000): par. 4.3, https://sscm-jscm.org/v6/no1/oregan.html.

‹‹ Table of Contents
Volume 27 (2021) No. 2

Tiburzio Massaino and Vincenzo Gonzaga

Martin Morell*

Abstract

The composer Tiburzio Massaino (ca. 1550 – after 1609) dedicated two of his numerous publications to Vincenzo Gonzaga, the duke of Mantua, but no documentary evidence has linked Massaino directly to the ducal court. Recent discoveries in the Mantuan archives reveal the existence of a lengthy relationship between composer and duke. Vincenzo attempted to free Massaino from prison in Salzburg, where he had been charged with sodomy (although the duke was evidently misled regarding the nature of the offense). Massaino, who had spent time in Constantinople, may have initially gained the duke’s attention by catering to his fondness for Ottoman luxury items.

1. Introduction

2. A Request for Clemency

3. Other Episodes and Communications

Acknowledgments

Appendix: Transcriptions of Documents

References

1. Introduction

1.1 Even in an age in which musicians often traveled extensively in the course of their careers, the composer Tiburzio Massaino (ca. 1550 – after 1609) was extraordinarily footloose: his presence is attested in Piacenza, Rome, Como, Venice, probably Florence, Lodi, Salò, France, Constantinople, Innsbruck, Salzburg, Prague, Munich, possibly Augsburg, Cremona, Piacenza again, Lodi again, and Piacenza a third time.[1]  Conspicuously absent from this list, however, is Mantua, and specifically the ducal court of Vincenzo I Gonzaga, who ruled from 1587 to 1612. Indeed, no evidence has surfaced that Massaino was ever formally employed at the court, or, for that matter, that he was ever physically present in Mantua.

1.2 At the same time, Massaino dedicated two music publications to Vincenzo, namely the Madrigali a sei voci libro primo of 1604 (RISM M 1294) and a collection of sacred music, Musica per cantare con l’organo ad una, due e tre voci … of 1607 (RISM M 1286). The dedication of the former print mentions “so many favors and kindnesses” (tante gratie, e favori) bestowed by the duke’s largesse (dalla benignità sua), while that of the latter thanks the duke for his “continual kindnesses and favors” (continuati favori, & gratie). It is also noteworthy that the surviving music library of the palatine basilica of Santa Barbara, which functioned as the ducal chapel, includes a number of Massaino’s sacred-music prints,[2] all of which date from 1592 or later, although his numerous sacred compositions began to appear in print as early as 1576. While these circumstances suggest some kind of rapport between composer and dedicatee,[3] independent confirmation has so far been lacking. Recent discoveries in the Archivio Gonzaga of the Archivio di Stato di Mantova demonstrate convincingly that a personal relationship between the two men did exist, and that it persisted over a considerable period of time. This will be the subject of this essay.

1.3 A prolific composer, Massaino published no fewer than thirty-four works of sacred and secular vocal music. In the sacred sphere, his output includes several books of masses, for five, six, and eight voices; eleven books of motets, ranging from four-voice pieces to polychoral compositions for up to sixteen voices; vespers settings; music for Holy Week; and a setting of the Lamentations of Jeremiah, all composed in the idiom of the late Renaissance. Toward the end of his career, Massaino also began to produce sacred vocal works in the new seconda prattica of the early Baroque.

1.4 He was also active as a composer of secular music, producing one book of four-voice madrigals, four of five-voice madrigals, and two of six-voice madrigals, besides contributing to numerous anthologies. Particularly noteworthy among his secular productions are the Quarto libro de’ madrigali a cinque voci of 1594 (RISM M 1293) and the aforementioned Madrigali a sei voci libro primo of 1604, the former having as its centerpiece a spectacular setting of Petrarch’s sestina “Là vèr l’aurora, che sì dolce l’aura,” while the latter includes numerous technically challenging pieces evidently intended for an ensemble of accomplished virtuoso singers. In short, Massaino was a versatile and productive composer who spent time in a wide range of musical environments over the course of his lengthy career.

2. A Request for Clemency

2.1 The earliest document that has come to light is a letter (undated, but presumably written in June 1591) to Duke Vincenzo from Massaino’s brother Luca, evidently resident in Cremona,[4] who earnestly requests the duke’s assistance in obtaining Massaino’s release from prison in Salzburg:[5]

Appendix: Document 1

To my most serene lord and most respected patron:

The favor which I have humbly requested from Your Most Serene Highness by the medium of the letter of Signor Sforza Picenardo would be a recommendation from Your Highness to the Most Illustrious Monsignor Archbishop of Salzburg in favor of Don Tiburzio Massaino my brother, who is presently imprisoned by order of His Most Illustrious Lordship, charged with disobedience and disregard of the commands of the aforesaid Most Illustrious Monsignor, requesting of him his release, as a favor, and requesting that he be handed over to Your Highness. I hope that this favor which I am requesting will be granted, through your infinite kindness, both for the [condition of] service in which my aforesaid brother stands, as well as for certain virtuous merits of his, regarding which I believe that you are already informed, his mistake having been one of negligence rather than of ill intention. Whereby, as a sign of my humble devotion, I offer to serve Your Highness at your beck and call and as you may command, with two hundred foot-soldiers, with the fealty which is owed by your most indebted servant. With the humble reverence of a most humble servant, I wish you the fullness of my thanks.
Your most devoted and most indebted servant,
Luca Massaini

2.2 In preparing his missive to the duke, Luca engaged an intermediary, a prominent Cremonese personage and fellow-soldier, one Sforza Picenardo,[6] to append a letter of introduction, dated 13 June 1591:[7]

Appendix: Document 2

Most serene lord and most respected patron:

The bearer of the present [letter] is my dear friend Captain Luca Massaino, who comes before Your Most Serene Highness to seek your favor, through your natural clemency, on account of the need of his brother, a friar, who is in the prison of the Most Illustrious Lord Archbishop of Salzburg, as your Most Serene Highness will understand from him. Therefore I beseech you with the greater power that my entreaties may have, that you regard [his request] as my recommendation vis-à-vis that Most Illustrious Lord; for in addition to favoring a just cause, your Most Serene Highness will do me a kindness worthy of eternal memory and obligation. And with this, with all reverence, I kiss your hands, praying to Our Lord that your desires lead to a happy ending. From Cremona, 13 June 1591,
Of Your Most Serene Highness
the most indebted and most sincere [?] servant
Sforza Picenardo

2.3 Duke Vincenzo, in turn, was not slow in responding to Picenardo, addressing him affectionately and assuring him that he would put in a good word for Massaino to the then Prince-Archbishop, Wolf Dietrich von Raitenau (also known as Theodoric):[8]

Appendix: Document 3

To Signor Sforza Picenardo:

Illustrious signor, dear to me are all occasions that present themselves, that enable me to demonstrate my affection toward Your Lordship, as Captain Luca Massaino will be able to confirm. As a favor to him, I did not fail to write promptly to the Most Illustrious Signor Archbishop of Salzburg with a recommendation regarding his brother, in the manner which I thought would be of greatest avail to his situation, so that the good outcome that I desire will follow. It will be a double satisfaction to me to learn that through my intercession he was requited, in accordance with the hope and desire of Your Lordship, to whom I send my heartfelt regards. From Mantua, 26 June 1591
At the disposal of Your Lordship,
The Duke of Mantua

2.4 In fact, the duke had already seen to the drafting of the correspondence in question (which, of course, was written in, or translated into, Latin):[9]

Appendix: Document 4

To the Lord Archbishop of Salzburg
Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Signor:

Such is our benevolence of spirit toward Don Tiburzio Massaino that we are unable to deprive him of our protection in [response to] his requests for our good action. Therefore, although we believe that he has seriously failed in his duty to obey the commands of your Most Illustrious Sovereignty, so that, as penalty for his fault, he is now imprisoned there [in Salzburg]; nonetheless, since it is confirmed by the testimony of  one of our faithful [servants] that what he committed was more out of negligence than ill intention, we have therefore decided, via this letter, to beseech, with particular attention and good will, his liberation by your Most Illustrious Sovereignty, of whose kindness we are assured. For if this our office of kindness and mercy shall have either the effect of mitigating the indignation that has been raised against him, or of obtaining full indulgence for him, such that he himself recognizes this singular favor with gratitude of spirit—of which nothing could be dearer or more welcome—then We too shall acknowledge it with no less equal obligation. May the Supreme God, in his generosity, concede [to your Most Illustrious Sovereignty] all things that you pray for. In Mantua, 14 [days before the] Calends of July, MDXXXXI [18 June 1591].
Of Your Most Illustrious Sovereignty
The most devoted
Vincenzo Duke of Mantua

2.5 Whatever the duke’s motives in undertaking to intervene—sincere concern for Massaino’s welfare, the prospect of Luca Massaino’s two hundred troops (dugento Fanti) being placed at his disposal, or perhaps a combination of both—it is evident that he took at face value Luca’s representation of the nature of his brother’s transgressions: “disobedience and disregard of commands” (disubedienza, et sprezza de [c]omandamenti), allegedly as a result of “negligence rather than of ill intention” (più tosto di transcuragine, che di mala volontà).[10] Acting on the assumption that the offenses in question were relatively minor, the duke urged the archbishop to cut Massaino some slack.

2.6 We may imagine that Vincenzo was taken aback by the archbishop’s response; in archly elegant Latin, he informs the duke that Massaino has been jailed “not on account of disobedience or some other minor misdeed” (non inobedientiae aut levioris alicuius delicti nomine) but rather on account of “enormous and most serious crimes” (enormia et gravissima crimina). Furthermore, while the archbishop is willing to accede to the duke’s request for clemency, he firmly maintains that the course of justice must be followed:[11]

Appendix: Document 5

Most Serene Prince:

We have received the intercessory [letter] of Your Clemency on behalf of Tiburzio Massaino, to the contents of which we would wish to agree, and indeed would have desired most ardently: The reason why we cannot is that, not on account of disobedience or some other minor misdeed was the aforesaid Tiburzio placed into custody, but rather he was condemned on account of enormous and most serious crimes. So that, since justice (to which we owe our all) must run its swift and customary course before he can be fully absolved, justice opposes, and the laws forbid, the freeing of this man. However, may Your Clemency be satisfied that we will do this despite [the law], out of particular affection, once the ordinary legal process (which is just now taking place) is completed, as the prince plenipotentiary of this place. For this reason we intend to exercise clemency and mercy toward him, so that Your Clemency may truly perceive that nothing comes foremost for us and nothing is more important to us than to satisfy the wishes of Your Clemency (insofar as is allowed without infraction of the laws) with a spirit of greatest good will. May the Supreme God preserve Your Clemency in your prime in all manner of things for the longest time. In Salzburg, the fourth [day before the] Nones of July, 1591 [4 July 1591]
Of Your Clemency
Theodoric Archbishop and Prince of Salzburg

2.7 The archbishop’s letter is the last in the series regarding the affaire Massaino that has come to light in the Archivio Gonzaga, but the eventual upshot of the affair is known from research in the Salzburg archives carried out by Hermann Spies around 1930.[12] On 14 October 1591 Massaino was convicted of sodomy: according to documents cited by Spies, “sentence was passed against Brother Tiburzio Massaino … otherwise known as Kapellmeister here in Salzburg, who was strongly suspected of an abominable crime against nature” ([f]uit lata sententia contra fratrem Tyburtium Massainum alias Magistrum Capellae hic Salisburgi, qui fuit tanquam de nefando crimine contra naturam vehementer suspectus). As a result, Massaino was ordered to leave Salzburg within three days, on pain of a lifetime sentence in the galleys should he overstay the deadline or ever return to Salzburg.[13] Assuming that Vincenzo’s intervention spared Massaino from a worse fate, it would be an understatement to note that the “favore” shown to him by the duke in this instance was a big one indeed.

2.8 It is reasonable to assume that Massaino gained some knowledge of Vincenzo’s role in mitigating his punishment, either at the time of his incarceration and trial or subsequently. However, it would also seem likely that, unless Massaino had sources of insider information at the Gonzaga court, he would have been ignorant of what the archbishop had communicated to the duke. Other plausible consequences also suggest themselves: Vincenzo, who had evidently been blindsided by the downplayed account of Massaino’s predicament he had received, may have been embarrassed or angered at having made a brutta figura vis-à-vis the archbishop; furthermore, regardless of whether or not Vincenzo harbored any grudge arising from how the matter was handled, the scandal attendant on Massaino’s conviction and expulsion from Salzburg may have compromised his chances for formal employment at court. Indeed, the subsequent correspondence that has come to light hints that the duke may not have maintained a level of personal rapport with Massaino comparable to that which he displayed in the Salzburg affair.

3. Other Episodes and Communications

3.1 Some four years later, in June 1595, Massaino, now in Cremona,[14] wrote to the duke to alert him that one of his subjects, one Giulio Cima, had seemingly been a victim of wrongdoing in that city:[15]

Appendix: Document 6

Most Serene Lord:

Yesterday at 21 hours Giulio Cima, accompanied by a person from Valditarro, arrived in Cremona; he had been living in Mantua for some months, where he had purposely taken up residence. They dismounted at the house of Cesare Musso, a friend of the Valditarro fellow, and a subject of Parma; scarcely had they dismounted when Musso and Valditarro left the house, under the pretext of handing over their pistols. Shortly after, the bailiffs went to the house, and bound the unfortunate Cima, wrapping his cape around his face, and they took him to prison, where, upon arriving, he demanded to speak to the Podestà, who did not wish to hear him at the time. The poor fellow replied to the bailiffs, “Tell signor Podestà that I am in the service of the Most Serene [Prince] of Mantua, and that he should do me no wrong.” That night, the Podestà had him brought before him, in the presence of a judge and notary, and, having learned his name, he [the Podestà] said, “Don’t you have on your finger a ring of such-and-such a shape?” He [Cima] showed it to him, and the Podestà then replied, “So you are the one who is being sought,” and he showed him a letter from Don Pietro di Padiglia [Pedro de Padilla], which requested that he be detained, and, once detained, that he be sent straightaway to Parma territory. Valditarro was meanwhile at Monticelli, from where, with a four-month-old letter from the Duke of Parma, he had raised a great number of men, with whom he came to take the poor fellow, and, having crossed the Po, they arrived in Monticelli before daybreak, and they handed him over to those representatives; having obtained a receipt, Valditarro went off directly to Parma to bring back people to take him away. I have written to Your Highness regarding what happened because, when they wanted to take the unfortunate fellow away, he asked those notaries to tell me to write, and also because you have no servant more devoted than me in this city, where, and everywhere, since I have received very many favors from your kindness, I would shed even my own blood in your service, and I would most speedily undertake anything that it pleases you to command me, ever having in mind that when Your Highness sent me to Innsbruck, you said to me that you were not depriving me of your service, and that you wished that I should always be your servant. I offer you most humble reverence, and I beseech Our Lord for your every happiness and contentment. From Cremona, 7 June 1595
Of Your Most Serene Highness
The most devoted and indebted servant,
Friar Tiburzio Massaino

3.2 From the point of view of Massaino’s biography, two aspects of the letter are of interest. First, Massaino asserts that he was in the duke’s service; and second, he states the duke expressly wanted him to remain in service even “when Your Highness sent me to Innsbruck” (quando Vostra Altissima mi mandò in Ispruch). This would seem to confirm that Massaino had at least an informal arrangement that placed him in the duke’s service. And Massaino was indeed engaged as singer and maestro di cappella at the Innsbruck court of Archduke Ferdinand II,[16] although his tenure there appears to have spanned the years 1588–89, i.e., prior to his ill-fated posting to Salzburg. Although no documentation has surfaced that would shed light on the circumstances, perhaps Vincenzo recommended Massaino to Ferdinand; or alternatively, possibly Massaino undertook some mission to Innsbruck at the duke’s behest.[17]

3.3 It is also noteworthy that, in the letter, Massaino stresses his fealty to the duke in vivid terms, going so far as to claim that, if necessary, he would shed his own blood in Vincenzo’s service. While it is problematic, at a remove of more than four centuries, to speculate about Massaino’s motives or state of mind at the time, one is prompted to wonder whether he is protesting a bit too much. Possibly Massaino sensed that the duke had grown cool to him, and the extravagant language reflects an attempt to regain Vincenzo’s good graces.

3.4 In June 1601, Massaino, now maestro di cappella at Lodi Cathedral,[18] addresses another letter to the Gonzaga court, not to the duke but to an unidentified, evidently high-ranking, personage:[19]

Appendix: Document 7

My Most Illustrious and Most Respected Lord:

From Reverend Father Giulio[20] I have learned of the favor which it pleased His Highness to grant me, and that a letter about it had already been sent to Venice, a result which I expected from the natural kindness of Your Most Illustrious Lordship, and which I will reciprocate with perpetual indebtedness, seeking to give you a token such that you will see results at least equal to [my] words, insofar as my feeble powers are capable. And if to the first favor Your Illustrious Lordship were to add a second, namely to put in a new good word regarding the matter to that person, my obligation would be redoubled, since the matter is so sought-after in Venice; or even to obtain from His Highness some letter to some particular person, as you told me. But while this would be of great benefit to the matter, I would not be so bold as to seek it, since I avail myself of the belief that what would be very fruitful vis-à-vis that signor agent would be a recommendation from Your Most Illustrious Lordship, whose hands I kiss heartfeltly, and for whom I beseech of God every consolation. From Lodi, 16 June 1601
Of Your Most Illustrious Lordship
The most devoted servant,
Tiburzio Massaino

3.5 Although the letter contains passages that are almost coyly circumspect, we learn that Duke Vincenzo (Sua Altezza) has performed some kind of favor for Massaino; that the favor in question involves some “matter” or “business” (negocio) in Venice; and that the unidentified recipient (addressed as Molto Illustre Signor Mio or Vostra Signoria [Molto] Illustre) has acted in some capacity in the furtherance of that favor. Also, Massaino requests that the recipient put in an additional good word to an unnamed “agent” (agente), presumably in Venice, evidently to promote the success of the venture. Massaino also notes that, notwithstanding the recipient’s suggestion, he is reluctant to appeal to the duke directly, but is confident that a “recommendation” (raccomandatione) from his recipient will bring great benefit.

3.6 Given that neither the recipient nor the agent is identified, and that the nature of the business in question is unspecified, it is problematic to trace further related correspondence, and indeed no such documents have yet come to light. However, it is known that Vincenzo and his entourage, about to embark on the year’s “Croatian campaign” (andata in Croazia) against the Ottoman Empire,[21] stopped in Venice for a few days in July 1601,[22] a little over a month after Massaino’s letter was written. It is conceivable that Massaino was seeking in some way to leverage the forthcoming presence in Venice of the duke (and/or his unnamed recipient), in order to effect some business that would be to his personal (or their mutual) advantage.

3.7 The letter also contains the suggestive passage “[the favor] which I will reciprocate with perpetual indebtedness, seeking to give you a token such that you will see results at least equal to [my] words, insofar as my feeble powers are capable” ([la gratia] alla quale corrisponderò con perpetuo obligo, procurando di dargliene segno tale ch’ella vegga gli effetti almeno pari alle parole per quanto però potrano le deboli forze mie). It seems plausible to assume that the “token” to which Massaino refers is in fact his Madrigali a sei voci libro primo, which would appear in print more than two years later, its dedication to the duke bearing the date 20 February 1604. If so, this passage constitutes the only reference to music, albeit an indirect one, that is encountered in the documents presented.

3.8 The last episode in the relationship between composer and duke that can presently be traced concerns Massaino’s Musica per cantare con l’organo ad una, due e tre voci … of 1607. As previously noted, in the dedication Massaino mentions the duke’s “continual kindnesses and favors”; he also goes on to state that the music “has been heard by your most refined ears, and has also been praised by the most profound judgment of Your Most Serene Highness” ([è] stata udita dalle purgatissime orrechie [sic] sue, e anche stata lodata dal profondissimo giudicio di Vostra Altezza Serenissima). It would appear, therefore, that at least some of this music was performed in the presence of the duke, who expressed a good opinion of it. However, there is no indication that Massaino attended the event in person. Massaino’s assertions would suggest—assuming that he was not physically present in Mantua—that the performance of the music gave rise to some correspondence (and, of course, the act of publication of the Musica per cantare con l’organo might have done likewise), but to date no such documents have surfaced.[23]

3.9 Parenthetically, we may note that if perhaps Massaino had hopes of being the first to impress the duke with compositions in the new seconda prattica style, he would have been disappointed. The duke had already acquired some of Luzzasco Luzzaschi’s works for solo voices,[24] and, of course, 1607 was the year in which Monteverdi’s Orfeo was first performed.

3.10 Finally, we might step back from the documentary minutiae and ponder a larger question:  How was Massaino—not a native of Mantua, not known to have gotten any closer to Mantua than Cremona, and a simple Augustinian monk besides—able to gain access to Duke Vincenzo in the first place? Just possibly, a distinctive episode in Massaino’s biography hints at an answer. Around 1587 (the same year that Vincenzo became duke) Massaino somehow became attached to the embassy of Giovanni Moro,[25] the Venetian bailo in Constantinople,[26] and may have spent a year or more in the Ottoman capital.[27]

3.11 Daniela Sogliani documents Vincenzo’s predilection for acquiring exotic and luxury items from Constantinople;[28] perhaps Massaino was able to position himself as a supplier of such goods, either directly or through some intermediary. (Document 7, in par. 3.4 above, can be read as lending support to this assumption.) And it is not entirely beyond the bounds of possibility that Massaino—whose employer would have been privy to much valuable information regarding the workings and strategic objectives of the expansionist Ottoman state—either presented himself to the Gonzaga court as a source of insider knowledge, or was happy to allow himself to be perceived in that capacity. Once the details of the Salzburg affair became known to Vincenzo, however, he may have regarded Massaino, given the latter’s wide-ranging travel experience, as more of an asset away from his court than as part of it.

Acknowledgments

I wish to express thanks to the staff of the Archivio di Stato di Mantova for their kind assistance; to Jessie Ann Owens, Susan Parisi, Marco Bizzarini, and Tim Carter for numerous helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper; and to Licia Mari and Roberta Benedusi of the Archivio diocesano di Mantova for valuable help in matters of paleography, and for furnishing excellent Italian translations of the two Latin documents cited here.