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^[*]Nicholas Till (n.till@sussex.ac.uk) is a historian, theorist, and creative practitioner in opera and music theater, and Professor of Opera and Music Theatre at both the University of Sussex and the University of Amsterdam. He is the author of Mozart and the Enlightenment (1992) and editor of The Cambridge Companion to Opera Studies (2012).

^[1] See Chapter 5 below for explanation of these terms. The score: Claudio Monteverdi L’Orfeo: Favola in musica (Venice: Amadino, 1609, reissued 1615). Principal reprints of the 1609 ed.: Augsburg: Filser, 1927; Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1998. Reprint of the 1615 ed.: Farnsborough: Gregg, 1972. Both Amadino eds. are available online in the Petrucci Music Library: https://imslp.org/wiki/L%27Orfeo,_SV_318_(Monteverdi,_Claudio).

^[2] Peter Downey suggests that the format was primarily found in the Holy Roman Empire, Italy (where the style originated, perhaps with borrowings from Burgundy), Scandinavia, and the German-speaking Baltic States. Personal communication.

^[3] Peter Downey, “Performing the Toccata to L’Orfeo,” unpublished paper, p. 2, and personal communication.

^[4] Jane Glover, “Recreating Orfeo for the Modern Stage: Solving the Musical Problems,” in Claudio Monteverdi: Orfeo, ed. John Wenham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 141. Trumpet ensembles were a defined entity that involved very specific skills and did not include trombones, which were almost always members of the mixed wind bands designated alta or pifferi, See William F. Prizer, “Bernadino piffaro e i pifferi e tromboni di Mantova: Strumenti a fiato in una corta italiana,” Rivista italiana di musicologia 16, no. 2 (1981): 151–84. Jeffrey Kurtzman and Linda Maria Koldau identify some exceptions to the rule that trumpets and trombones don’t mix, but the traffic is almost always one way—i.e., trumpets joining mixed ensembles, not trombones joining trumpet bands. Jeffrey Kurtzman and Linda Maria Koldau “Trombe, Trombe d’argento, Trombe squarciate, Tromboni, and Pifferi in Venetian Processions and Ceremonies of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 8, no. 1 (2002), n. 30, https://sscm-jscm.org/v8/no1/kurtzman.html.

^[5] Joachim Steinheuer, “Orfeo (1607),” The Cambridge Companion to Monteverdi, ed. John Whenham and Richard Wistreich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 124.

^[6] Caldwell Titcomb, “Baroque Court and Military Trumpets and Kettledrums: Technique and Music,” The Galpin Society Journal 9 (1956): 69.

^[7] See Edward Tarr, The Trumpet, trans. S.E. Plank and Edward Tarr (London: B.T. Batsford Ltd, 1988), 47.

^[8] I have bracketed the definite article here since in English the definite article would imply reference to specific trumpets with specific mutes that exist (i.e., as listed with the instruments for the opera), rather than just any old trumpets or mutes in general. The definite article does not imply this distinction in Italian.

^[9] But see Tim Carter’s more nuanced reading of this distinction: Tim Carter, “Some Notes on the First Edition of Monteverdi’s Orfeo (1609),” Music & Letters 91, no. 4 (2010): 507–10.

^[10] John Whenham, “Five Acts: One Action,” in Claudio Monteverdi: Orfeo, ed. Wenham, 48.

^[11] E.g., Tim Carter, Monteverdi’s Musical Theatre (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), 130: the Toccata “reworks typical fanfare motifs associated with trumpet signals on the battlefield.”

^[12] Raymond Monelle, The Musical Topic: Hunt, Military and Pastoral (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), 135.

^[13] Evelyn Korsch, “ ‘The ‘Loud Joy’: Music as a Sign of Power,” Renaissance Journal 8 (2003): 4.

^[15] Ardis Grosjean, “The Sad but Musical End of Trumpeter Carsten Mistleff, or Hard Times in Stockholm in the 1590s,” Historic Brass Society Journal 12 (2000): 256.

^[16] See Howard Mayer Brown, Sixteenth-Century Instrumentation: The Music for the Florentine Intermedii (Dallas: American Institute of Musicology, 1973), 58, and Warren Kirkendale, The Court Musicians in Florence during the Principate of the Medici with a Reconstruction of the Artistic Establishment (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1993), 43.

^[17] Susan Parisi, “Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua, 1587–1627: An Archival Study” (PhD dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1989), 24.

^[18] Parisi, “Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua,”23. For the ducal trumpet band see Mantua, Archivio Gonzaga (now housed in I-MAa), busta 410, register 43, fol. 54. I am extremely grateful to Susan Parisi for providing me with this information and archival location.

^[19] Kurtzman and Koldau, “Trombe, Trombe d’argento, Trombe squarciate, Tromboni, and Pifferi,” n. 30.

^[20] Denis Stevens, trans. and ed., The Letters of Claudio Monteverdi, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 64–65.

^[22] Aldo De Maddalena, Le finanze del ducato di Mantova all’epoca di Guglielmo Gonzaga (Milan: Istituto Editoriale Cisalpino, 1961), 125. The state of Mantua-Monferrato did not maintain a professional standing army at this date; troops would have been mustered for campaigns as necessary. The first Italian standing army was established in the militarized state of Savoy in the 1560s: see Ciro Paoletti, A Military History of Italy (Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2008), 171. Otherwise, in Mantua as in most other Italian cities, only a small garrison force was maintained permanently. In Mantua this consisted of around 200 men in 1577. See De Maddalena, Le finanze del ducato di Mantova all’epoca di Guglielmo Gonzaga, 124.

^[23] De Maddalena, Le finanze del ducato di Mantova all’epoca di Guglielmo Gonzaga, 33. The “dazio delle trombe” is listed with a range of indirect taxes on goods and services that would normally imply that this was a tax on trumpets, which is somewhat less likely.

^[24] Mantua, Archivio Gonzaga, busta 410, register 43, fol. 54. Although “tromba” is the normal designation for trumpet in Italian, in Monteverdi’s day the term “trombetta” was also used. The plural of trombetta is sometimes given as “trombetti” and sometimes as “trombette,” due to uncertainty as to whether trombetta belongs to the small family of masculine nouns ending in a or is feminine.

^[26] Tarr, The Trumpet, 45; Frank A. D’Accone, The Civic Muse: Music and Musicians in Siena during the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 447.

^[27] Timothy J. McGee, The Ceremonial Musicians of Late Medieval Florence (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 52.

^[28] E.g., in 1588 a payment to the “Trombetti di Salò,” Mantua, Archivio Gonzaga, busta 410, register 43, fol. 2; in 1592 a rare payment for trumpets alongside other musicians (eight trombette, four drums, four “sonatori di violino” and six pifferi), Archivio Gonzaga, Schede Davari 15, register 1, fol. 21. It is difficult to understand why a payment would have been made to the trumpeters of Salò, which was a Venetian territory at this date; perhaps they were being “borrowed.”

^[29] Johann Ernst Altenburg, Essay on an Introduction to the Heroic and Musical Trumpeters’ and Kettledrummers’ Art for the Sake of a Wider Acceptance of the Same: Described Historically, Theoretically, and Practically and Illustrated with Examples, trans. Edward H. Tarr from the 1795 Halle edition published by Johann Christian Hendel (Nashville: The Brass Press, 1974), 31.

^[30] Downey notes that the first record of what was then the new “Italian” style of trumpet playing is found in Mantua in 1486. Peter Downey, “The Trumpet and Its Role in Music of the Renaissance and Early Baroque” (PhD diss., The Queen’s University of Belfast, 1983), 39.

^[31] Peter Downey, “A Renaissance Correspondence Concerning Trumpet Music,” Early Music 9, no. 3 (1981): 326.

^[32] Cesare Bendinelli, Tutta l’arte della Trombetta 1614: Manuscript facsimile reprint (Vuamarens, Switzerland: Editions Bim, The Brass Press, 2009), fol. 8r. See n. 74 below for accompanying material. An earlier facs. of Bendinelli’s MS, ed. and trans. Edward H. Tarr, was published by Bärenreiter in 1975.

^[33] Tarr, The Trumpet, 70. Much of Duke Wilhelm’s trumpet music was eventually written down by his court trumpeter, Cesare Bendinelli, of course, so he was perhaps being a little disingenuous. But this doesn’t negate the conclusion that the players normally played from memory. See Downey, “The Trumpet and Its Role in Music of the Renaissance and Early Baroque,” 101.

^[34] See Kurtzman and Koldau, “Trombe, Trombe d’argento, Trombe squarciate, Tromboni, and Pifferi,” par. 2.4.

^[36] Michael Praetorius, Syntagma musicum III, trans. and ed. Jeffery Kite-Powell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 173.

^[37] Girolamo Fantini, Modo per imparare a sonare di tromba tanto di guerra quanto musicalmente in organo, con tromba sordina, col cimbalo, e con ogn’altro istrumento (Frankfurt: Daniel Vuastch, 1638). Principal facsimile editions: Milan: Bollotino Bibliografico Musicale, 1934; Nashville: The Brass Press, 1978; New York: Performers’ Editions, [2002]; Vuamarens, Switzerland: Editions Bim, The Brass Press, 2009. See also Edward H. Tarr, Modo per imparare a sonare di tromba: Complete English Translation, Biography, and Critical Commentary (Vuamarens, Switzerland: Editions Bim, The Brass Press, 2009); Tarr first published his translation as Method for Learning to Play the Trumpet … (Nashville: The Brass Press, 1975). Examination of the typeface has led scholars to conclude that Fantini’s book was printed in Florence, not Frankfurt; see Igino Conforzi, “Girolamo Fantini, ‘Monarch of the Trumpet’: New Light on His Works,” trans. Alexandra Amati-Camperi, Historic Brass Society Journal 6 (1994): 32–60, https://www.historicbrass.org/edocman/hbj-1994/HBSJ_1994_JL01_004_Conforzi.pdf.

^[39] Denis Arnold also found echoes of the signaling style in some madrigals (he names Interrotte speranze and Tornate, o cari baci) in the Seventh Book of Madrigals, in which there is no explicit reference to war or arms in the poems being set. Denis Arnold, Monteverdi, rev. Tim Carter (London: J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd, 1990), 89.

^[40] J.R. Hale, “On a Tudor Parade Ground: The Captain’s Handbook of Henry Barrett, 1562,” in J.R. Hale, Renaissance War Studies (London: The Hambledon Press, 1983), 254.

^[42] Altenburg, Essay on an Introduction to the Heroic and Musical Trumpeters’ and Kettledrummers’ Art, 93.

^[43] Hendrich Lübeck, Prinzipal-Aufzüge aus dem Trompeterbuch, ed. Friedrich Deisenroth (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1965). For Thomsen see Downey, “The Trumpet and Its Role in Music of the Renaissance and Early Baroque,” vol. 2.

^[44] See the essays in The Chivalric Ethos and the Development of Military Professionalism, ed. D.J.B. Trim (Leiden: Brill, 2003).

^[46] Formats and spellings for the commands vary greatly; since there is no approved spelling, there is no purpose in my including “sic” for every variant. The spellings here are taken from Bendinelli (Italian) and Mersenne (French). Marin Mersenne, Harmonie universelle, contenant la théorie et la pratique de la musique (Paris: Sebastien Cramoisy, 1636), 2:262–66; available in a facs. ed. (Paris: CNRS, 1965) and online at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k54710466/; trans. as Harmonie universelle: The Books on Instruments, trans. Roger E. Chapman (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1957).

^[47] Bendinelli also includes the field signals for “skirmish” and “retreat,” and camp signals for “bivouac” and “parade” (Cesare Bendinelli, Tutta l’arte della Trombetta, 3–5). Machiavelli suggests that some additional signals were already in use by the early sixteenth century, “indicating when they should stop or go forward or turn back, when they should fire the artillery, when to move the extraordinary Veliti.” Niccolò Machiavelli, The Seven Books on the Art of War (1519–20), trans. Henry Neville (1675) (Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2006), 86.

^[48] Downey, “The Trumpet and Its Role in Music of the Renaissance and Early Baroque,” 96. Downey identifies three distinct groupings of signals with family resemblances.

^[49] Monelle, The Musical Topic, 134. Military historian (and erstwhile professional player of the natural trumpet) Jon T. Sumida suggests that such specialist signals were developed from the later sixteenth century primarily for new infantry battlefield formations (personal communication).

^[50] Nineteenth-century manuals that cataloged military signals more systematically make clear that, on the battlefield, the signal would first of all identify the regiment, then company or squadron and platoon (or position), before sounding the tactical command; for instance, a nineteenth-century manual of the Italian Bersaglieri corps lists composite bugle calls that might include a sequence such as “1st Bersaglieri” + “Company” + “Right/Nr.3” + “Deploy in open order”: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bersaglieri, section 10 (“Bugle Calls”). A British Army signaling manual of 1914 lists 38 “routine” calls and 40 field calls for the cavalry alone: Trumpet and Bugle Sounds for the Army (London: H.M. Stationary Office, 1915).

^[51] Murray C. Bradshaw, The Origin of the Toccata (Dallas: American Institute of Musicology, 1972), 14.

^[52] Otto Gombosi, “Zur Vorgeschichte der Tokkate,” Acta musicologica 6, no. 2 (1934): 49–53.

^[53] Anthony Baines, Brass Instruments: Their History and Development (London: Faber & Faber, 1976; available in several reprint editions), 132. We might also note that tonguing instructions for such signals in the trumpet manual of Fantini often sound onomatopoetically like “toccata”—e.g., his “second toccata,” which sounds “Tegheda tan ta.” Girolamo Fantini, Modo per imparare a suonare di trombe, 7.

^[58] As tucket is a derivation of toccata, sennet is a derivation from either sonata or sarasinetta. In Shakespeare sennets tend to be reserved for rulers or military victors. See Christopher R. Wilson, “Shakespeare and Early Modern Music,” in The Edinburgh Companion to Shakespeare and the Arts, ed. Mark Thornton Burnett et al. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011), 124. Wilson suggests that the terminology of tucket and sennet indicates awareness of Italian-style trumpet ensemble music in England by Shakespeare’s time.

^[60] Pietro Canal, Della musica in Mantova: Notizie tratte principalmente dall’Archivio Gonzaga (Venice: Pressa la Segreta del R. Istituto nel Palazzo Ducale, 1881; reprint, Geneva: Minkoff, 1978), 40.

^[61] Federico Follino, Compendio delle sontuose feste fatte l’anno M. DC. VIII. nella città di Mantova, per le reali nozze del Serenissimo prencipe d. Francesco Gonzaga con la Serenissima infante Margherita di Savoia (Mantua: Aurelio and Lodovico Osanna, 1608), 1. Available on Google Books: https://books.google.com/books?id=zbFhAAAAcAAJ.

^[62] See Kurtzman and Koldau, “Trombe, Trombe d’argento, Trombe squarciate, Tromboni, and Pifferi,” par. 2.5. Also Jeffrey G. Kurtzman, “Monteverdi’s ‘Mass of Thanksgiving’ Revisited,” Early Music 22, no. 1 (1994): 63–76, 78–84, in which Kurtzman discusses mentions of trumpets in Venetian church music, and Praetorius’s frequent references to the inclusion of trumpets in church music, mainly, it would seem, in the doubling of parts.

^[63] Claudio Monteverdi, L’Orfeo: Favola in musica, Taverner Consort and Players, conducted by Andrew Parrott, Avie, 2013, compact disc. Jordi Savall (or, more likely, the stage director) sets the Toccata to accompany his own sweeping entry into the orchestra pit. Monteverdi, L’Orfeo, Le Concert des Nations, La Capella Reial de Catalunya, conducted by Jordi Savall, stage director Gilbert Deflo, Opus Arte, 2002, DVD; also available on YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dBsXbn0clbU.

^[64] Marco da Gagliano, La Dafne (Mantua: Christofano Marescotti, 1608; reprint, Bologna: Forni, 1970): “Ai lettori,” n.p.; reprinted in Angelo Solerti, Le origini del melodrama: Testimonianze dei contemporanei (Torino: Fratelli Bocca Editori, 1903; reprint, Hildesheim, Olms, 1969; reprint, Bologna, Forni, 1983), 11. Gagliano suggests this sinfonia should consist of fifteen or twenty bars of music. The 1608 score for La Dafne is also available in the Petrucci Music Library: https://imslp.org/wiki/La_Dafne_(Gagliano%2C_Marco_da).

^[66] Filippo Pigafetta, Due lettere descrittive l’una dell’ingresso a Vicenza della imperatrice Maria d’Austria nell’anno MDLXXXI l’altra della recita nel Teatro Olimpico dell’Edippo di Sofocle nel MDLXXXV (Padova: Valentino Crescini 1830), 26.

^[67] As an account of his playing, accompanied by Frescobaldi on the organ of Cardinal Borghese in Rome ca. 1634, attests. Cited by Marin Mersenne, Harmonicorum libri: in quibus agitur de sonorum natura, causis, et effectibus (Paris: Baudry, 1635), 2:109.

^[68] See Rebecca Cypess, Curious & Modern Inventions: Instrumental Music as Discovery in Galileo’s Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), 54–57. The complete Affetti musicali (Venice: Gardano/Magni, 1617) is available in the Petrucci Music Library: https://imslp.org/wiki/Affetti_musicali,_Op.1_(Marini,_Biagio).

^[71] Peter Downey, “Fantini and Mersenne: Some Additions to Recent Controversies,” Historic Brass Society Journal 6 (1994): 355–62.

^[72] Fantini, Modo per Imparare a sonare di tromba, 17–21. The use of woodwinds in Audio Example 2 may not be a reflection of seventeenth-century practice since, as noted, there is little evidence of other instruments joining ceremonial trumpet bands at this period.

^[73] An imperiale was played in Sienna in 1520 for the entry of the Spanish envoy to announce the election of Charles V as emperor, and on other such occasions. Frank D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 492. In his account of the naumachia that was a part of the 1608 wedding festivities in Mantua, Follino mentions that at one moment trumpets and drums sounded “un aria alla tedesca, detta l’Imperiale.” Follino, Compendio delle sontuose feste, 72.

^[74] Edward H. Tarr with Peter Downey, Cesare Bendinelli: Tutta l’arte della Trombetta 1614: Complete English Translation, Biography and Critical Commentary, rev. augmented ed. (Vuamarens, Switzerland: Editions Bim, The Brass Press, 2009), 16. This is a pamphlet meant to accompany the facs. ed. cited in n. 32.

^[77] Bendinelli, Tutta l’arte della Trombetta, fol. 8r. See also Downey, “Fantini and Mersenne,” 356.

^[79] See Downey, “The Trumpet and Its Role in Music of the Renaissance and Early Baroque,” 68, 84.

^[80] A sarasinetta was an extended sonata, usually sounded for rulers and military chiefs. In Shakespeare a “sennet,” which may be a derivation of either sonata or sarasinetta, is similarly intended to be played mainly for rulers.

^[82] Anthony Baines, “The Evolution of Trumpet Music up to Fantini,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 101 (1974–75): 6.

^[84] Quoted in Paolo Fabbri, Monteverdi, trans. Tim Carter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 26.

^[85] Gregory Hanlon, The Twilight of a Military Tradition: Italian Aristocrats and European Conflicts, 1560–1800 (London: University College London Press, 1998), 65.

^[86] It is not known if this project was carried out, although given its scale and the lack of any surviving work, it is judged unlikely. See Elena Fumagalli, “Ovidio, Ariosto e Tasso in casa del cardinale Carlo de Medici,” in L’arme e gli amori: Ariosto, Tasso and Guarini in Late Renaissance Florence: Acts of an International Conference, Florence, Villa i Tatti, June 27–29, 2001, ed. Massimiliano Rossi and Fiorella Gioffredi Superbi (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2004), vol. 2: Dynasty, Court and Imagery, 327–40. Vincenzo was not unique in his crusading pretensions. In Florence, the Medici claimed a more direct link to Godefroy through Ferdinando’s wife Christina of Lorraine, who was supposed to be a direct descendent. See Marcello Fantoni, “Il simbolismo mediceo del potere fra Cinque e Seicento,” in L’arme e gli amori, ed. Rossi and Superbi, 2:21. The arches erected in Florence for her arrival in the city for her wedding made several references to Goffredo, and the funeral orations for two of her sons referred explicitly to this lineage: Francesco di Ferdinando is described at his death in 1614 as “quasi novello Goffredo,” while Cosimo II’s proposal to transport the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem (location of the burial of Godefroy as well as Christ) to Florence earned him praise as a “true descendent” of Buglione. Elena Fumagalli, Massimiliano Rossi, and Riccardo Spinelli, eds., L’arme e gli amori: La poesia di Ariosto, Tasso e Guarini nell’arte fiorentina del Seicento (exhibition catalogue) (Florence: Sillabe, 2001), 100, 132. Triumph trumpeters reappear in the series of paintings undertaken in 1608–1610 in the Pitti Palace in Florence to celebrate military victories won against the Turks during the rule of Ferdinando I. Fumagalli et al., L’arme e gli amori, 99, 136-8.

^[87] The concept of “paratextual” material was originally developed by the French literary theorist Gérard Genette in 1987. See Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation, trans. Jane E. Lewin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), and Helen Smith and Louise Wilson, eds., Renaissance Paratexts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

^[88] Maurice A. Finocchiaro, Galileo and the Art of Reasoning: Rhetorical Foundations of Logic and Scientific Methods (Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company, 1980), 12.

^[89] Reinhardt Strohm, “Sinfonia and Drama in Early Eighteenth-Century opera seria,” in Opera and the Enlightenment, ed. Thomas Bauman and Marita Petzoldt McClymonds (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 91.

^[90] Alessandro Guidotti, “A’ lettori,” in Emilio de’ Cavalieri, Rappresentatione di Anima, e Corpo (Rome: Nicolò Mutii, 1600; reprint, Farnborough: Gregg, 1967; reprint, Bologna: Forni, 1987 and reissues); reprinted in Solerti, Le origini del melodramma, 2. The score is also available in the Petrucci Music Library: https://imslp.org/wiki/Rappresentatione_di_Anima_e_di_Corpo_(Cavalieri,_Emilio_de%27).

^[91] Robert Donington, “Monteverdi’s First Opera,” in The Monteverdi Companion, ed. Denis Arnold and Nigel Fortune (London: Faber and Faber, 1968), 261.

^[92] Peter Kivy, Osmin’s Rage: Philosophical Reflections on Opera, Drama, and Text (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 68–88.

^[93] Jonathan Pia, La tromba nella trattatistica musicale del XVII secolo (Milan: Brass Music Publications, 2013), 13.

^[94] Mersenne, Harmonie universelle: The Books on Instruments, trans. Chapman, 329.

^[95] See Wolfgang Osthoff, “Trombe sordine,” Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 13, no. 1 (1956): 77–95.

^[98] Richard C. McCoy, The Rites of Knighthood: The Literature and Politics of Elizabethan Chivalry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 15.

^[99] Frances A. Yates, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1971), 41.

^[100] Ruggiero Romano, “Between the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: The Economic Crisis of 1619–22,” in The General Crisis of the Seventeenth Century, ed. Geoffrey Parker and Lesley M. Smith (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), 164–225; 2nd ed. pub. 1997.

^[101] Rosario Villari, La Rivolta antispagnola a Napoli: Le origini (1585–1647) (Bari: Editori Laterza, 1967).

^[102] R. Burr Litchfield, Emergence of a Bureaucracy: The Florentine Patricians 1530–1790 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 34–36.

^[103] Giuseppe Fiocco, Alvise Cornaro: Il suo tempo e le sue opere (Vicenza: Neri Pozza Editore, 1965), 67–69.

^[104] For Venice see Reinhard Bentmann and Michael Müller, The Villa as Hegemonic Architecture, trans. Tim Spence and David Craven (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1992), 108; for Florence see Nicholas Scott Baker, The Fruit of Liberty: Political Culture in the Florentine Renaissance, 1480–1550 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013), 47, and Elena Fasano Guarini, “Gentildonna, borghese, cittadina: Problèmes de traduction entre la cour d’Henri IV et la cour des Médicis,” in Sociétés et idéologies des temps modernes: Hommage à Arlette Jouanna, ed. J. Fouilleron et al. (Montpellier: Université de Montpellier 3, 1996), 163–78.

^[105] Manierismo a Mantova: La pittura da Giulio Romano all’età di Rubens, ed. Sergio Marinelli (Cinisello Balsamo, Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 1998), intro., 12.

^[106] Paul F. Grendler, The University of Mantua, the Gonzaga, and the Jesuits, 1584–1630 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 13.

^[107] Henk van Veen, “Princes and Patriotism: The Self-Representation of Florentine Patricians in the Late Renaissance,” in Princes and Princely Cultures (1450–1650), ed. Martin Gosman et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 2:63.

^[108] John M. Najemy, A History of Florence 1200–1575 (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), 478.

^[109] Jonathan Dewald, The European Nobility 1440–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), xvi.

^[110] See Domenico Sella, Crisis and Continuity: The Economy of Spanish Lombardy in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979).

^[111] Domenico Sella, Italy in the Seventeenth Century (London: Longman, 1997; available in several reprint editions), 32.

^[112] Maurice Keen, Chivalry (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984; reissued 2005), 244–45.

^[113] Geoffrey Parker, The Military Revolution: Military Innovation and the Rise of the West, 1500–1800, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996; available in several reissues), 2.

^[119] Claudio Donati, L’idea di nobiltà in Italia: Secoli XIV–XVIII (Bari: Editori Laterza, 1988; reissued 1995), 150.

^[120] Although oddly, that most bookish of nouveaux aristocrats, Montaigne, held that prowess in arms was the only definition of nobility. Michel de Montaigne, The Complete Essays, trans. M.A. Screech, rev. ed. (London: Penguin Books, 2003), 431.

^[121] A frequent complaint of Machiavelli: Hanlon, The Twilight of a Military Tradition, 4. Contesting this dichotomy, Don Quixote gives a splendidly argued defense of arms as a “science” that requires the skills of the jurist, the theologian, the physician, the astronomer, and the mathematician. Cervantes, Don Quixote, part 1, chapters 37 and 38.

^[122] Janie Cole, Music, Spectacle and Cultural Brokerage in Early Modern Italy: Michelangelo Buonarroti il giovane (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2011), 111.

^[123] Denis Cosgrove, The Palladian Landscape: Geographical Change and Its Cultural Representation in Sixteenth-Century Italy (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1993), 156.

^[124] Richard A. Goldthwaite, Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, 1300–1600 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 157.

^[125] Michael Mallett, “Condottieri and Captains in Renaissance Italy,” in The Chivalric Ethos, ed. Trim, 67–88.

^[126] Baldassare Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier, trans. George Bull (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967), 57–58.

^[128] Donald Weinstein, “Crusade, Chivalry, Millennium and Utopia: The Vision of Domenico Mora (ca. 1540– ca. 1595),” Acta Historiae 10, no. 2 (2002): 601–10.

^[130] Paola Besutti, “Giostre e tornei a Parma e Piacenza durante il ducato dei Farnese,” in Musica in torneo nell’Italia del Seicento, ed. Paolo Fabbri (Lucca: LIM Editrice, 1999), 69.

^[131] J.R. Hale, “Military Academies on the Venetian Terraferma in the Early Seventeenth Century,” in Renaissance War Studies (London: The Hambledon Press, 1983), 285–307.

^[133] Franco Angiolini and Paolo Malanima, “Problemi della mobilità sociale a Firenze tra la metà del Cinquecento e i primi decenni del Seicento,” Società e storia, no. 4 (1979): 17–47.

^[137] For a full account of the negotiations and outcome see Clinio Cottafavi, “L’ordine cavallaresco del Redentore,” Atti e memorie: Accademia Virgiliana di Mantova 24 (1935): 171–255; and Giancarlo Malacarne, I Gonzaga di Mantova: Una stirpe per una capitale europea (Modena: Il Bulino, 2007), vol. 4, “Il duca re: Splendore e declino da Vincenzo I a Vincenzo II (1587–1627), 148–54.

^[140] Vincenzo 1 Gonzaga 1562–1612: Il fasto del potere, ed. Paola Venturelli (Mantua: Museo Diocesano Francesco Gonzaga, 2012), 22.

^[141] They can be found today, somewhat too high for easy viewing, in the Alte Pinakothek in Munich.

^[144] Vincenzo Errante, “Forse che sì, forse che no”: La terza spedizione del duca Vincenzo Gonzaga in Ungheria alla guerra contro il Turco (1601) studiata su documenti inediti (Milan: L.F. Cogliati, 1915), 30–37.

^[147] Claudia Burattelli, Spettacoli di corte a Mantova tra Cinque e Seicento (Firenze: Casa Editrice Le Lettere, 1999), 94.

^[148] A “fantasmagoria di musiche e fuochi.” Burattelli, Spettacoli di corte a Mantova tra Cinque e Seicento, 94.

^[149] Andrea Salvadori, Guerra d’Amore: Festa del Serenissima gran duca di Toscana Cosimo secondo (Florence: Zanobi Pignoni, 1615), 5; available on Google Books, https://books.google.com/books?id=sC9WAAAAcAAJ.

^[150] For equestrian ballets see Kelley A. Harness, “Habsburgs, Heretics, and Horses: Equestrian Ballets and Other Staged Battles in Florence during the First Decade of the Thirty Years War,” in L’arme e gli amori: Ariosto, Tasso and Guarini in Late Renaissance Florence, ed. Massimiliano Rossi and Fiorella Gioffredi Superbi (Florence: Olschki, 2004), 2:255–83; and Harness, “ ‘Nata à maneggi & essercizii grandi’: Archduchess Maria Magdalena and Equestrian Entertainments in Florence, 1608–1625,” in “La liberazione di Ruggiero dall’isola d’Alcina”: Räume und Inszenierungen in Francesca Caccinis Ballettoper (Florenz, 1625), ed. Christine Fischer (Zurich: Chronos Verlag, 2015), 89–108.

^[151] Lettera al sig[nore] Alberico Cibo principe di Massa sopra il giuoco fatto dal gran duca intitolato Guerra d’Amore il di 12. di febraio 1615 in Firenze (Pisa: Fontani, 1615). Available at https://archive.org/details/letteraalsigalbe00call/page/n4.

^[153] Fabbri, ed., Musica in Torneo nell’Italia del Seicento, introduction, vii.

^[154] Follino, Compendio delle sontuose feste, 99–124: trumpets all’antica, 110.

^[155] Francis Markham, Five Decades of Epistles of Warre (London: Augustine Matthews, 1622), 59–60.

^[157] John Wallace and Alexander McGrattan, The Trumpet (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), 102–3.

^[160] Giulio Cesare Monteverdi, “Dichiaratione della lettera stampata nel quinto libro de’ suoi madregali,” in Claudio Monteverdi, Scherzi musicali a tre voci (Venice: Ricciardo Amadino, 1607). Giulio Cesare is listing all of Claudio’s onerous responsibilities to explain why he hasn’t written his own defense against the criticisms of Artusi.

^[161] Mercurio, e Marte: Torneo regale (Parma: Viotti, 1628); exemplar in US-Wc is available at https://www.loc.gov/item/2010666507/. Regarding the event, see Fabbri, Monteverdi, trans. Carter, 206–19.

^[162] See Gregory Hanlon, The Hero of Italy: Odoardo Farnese, Duke of Parma, his Soldiers, and his Subjects in the Thirty Years’ War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014). The conflict between arms and arts was also the theme of the iconography of the theatre itself; see Paola Besutti, “Giostre e tornei a Parma e Piacenza durante il ducato dei Farnese,” in Musico in Torneo nell’Italia del Seicento, ed. Fabbri, 70.

^[164] The passage is from Plato’s Republic, Book 3, not his Rhetoric, as Monteverdi mistakenly says. Claudio Monteverdi, Madrigali guerrieri, et amorosi (Venice: Alessandro Vincenti, 1638): “Claudio Monteverde a’ chi legge,” n.p. Available in the Petrucci Music Library: https://imslp.org/wiki/Madrigals,_Book_8,_SV_146–167_(Monteverdi,_Claudio).

^[165] See Barbara Russano Hanning, “Monteverdi’s Three Genera: A Study in Terminology,” in Musical Humanism and Its Legacy: Essays in Honor of Claude V. Palisca, ed. Nancy Kovaleff Baker and Barbara Russano Hanning (Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon Press, 1992), 145–70.

^[166] The reference to “chivalric” singing is from Giovanni Camillo Maffei’s treatise on singing published in 1562. See Richard Wistreich, Warrior, Courter, Singer: Giulio Cesare Brancaccio and the Performance of Identity in the Late Renaissance (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007; reissued by Routledge, 2016), 142 (but Wistreich translates Maffei’s “cantar cavalaresco” as “courtly” singing).

^[167] “Dunque lasciarem da parte tutta quella musica, da qual degenerando è divenuta molle, ed effeminata, e pregheremo lo Striggio e Jacques, e’l Luccciasco, ed alcuno altro eccellente Maestro di musica eccellente, che voglia richiamarla a quella gravità, dal quale traviando, è spesso traboccata in parte, di qui è più bello, il tacere, che il ragionare.” Torquato Tasso, “La cavaletta overo de la poesia Toscana,” in Dialoghi, ed. Bruno Basile (Milan: Mursia, 1991), 243.

^[169] Adonis: Selections from L’Adone of Giambattista Marino, trans. Harold Martin Priest (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967), 119.

^[170] See Robert R. Holzer, “ ‘Ma invan la tento et impossibil parmi,’ or How guerrieri are Monteverdi’s madrigali guerrieri?,” in The Sense of Marino: Literature, Fine Arts and Music of the Italian Baroque, ed. Francesco Guardini (Ottawa: Legas, 1994), 429–50; Richard Wistreich, “Of Mars I Sing: Monteverdi Voicing Virility,” in, Masculinity and Western Music Practice, ed. Ian Biddle and Kirsten Gibson (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009; reissued London: Routledge, 2016), 67–94; and Massimo Ossi, “Venus in the House of Mars: Martial Imagery in Monteverdi’s Madrigali guerrieri et amorosi (1638),” Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 18, no. 1 (2012), https://sscm-jscm.org/jscm-issues/volume-18-no-1/venus-in-the-house-of-mars-martial-imagery-in-monteverdis-madrigali-guerrieri-et-amorosi-1638/. For another perspective on the love-war theme, see Federico Schneider, “Rethinking Claudio Monteverdi’s Seventh Book of Madrigals (1619) via Giovan Battista Marino’s La lira (1614),” Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 24, no. 1 (2018), https://sscm-jscm.org/jscm-issues/volume-24-no-1/schneider-rethinking-monteverdi/.

^[171] See Kate van Orden, Music, Discipline, and Arms in Early Modern France (Evanston: University of Chicago Press, 2005).

^[172] Thedore K. Rabb, The Struggle for Stability in Early Modern Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), 124–45.

^[173] Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983; available in numerous reissues).

^[174] Hans Blumenberg, The Legitimacy of the Modern Age, trans. Robert M. Wallace (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1983), 78.