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References

*Michael Klaper (michael.klaper@uni-jena.de) is professor of music history at the University of Jena. He has published widely on topics concerning the history of music in the premodern period (ca. 900–1500) as well as music theater in the Baroque era, especially regarding the relationship between Italian and French opera and related genres. He is the editor, in collaboration with Monika Ramsenthaler, of Luther im Kontext: Reformbestrebungen und Musik in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Hildesheim: Olms, 2016) and, with Barbara Nestola and Sara Elisa Stangalino, of the Parisian version of Francesco Cavalli’s Xerse for the Cavalli Opere series (Kassel: Bärenreiter, in preparation). He was corresponding member (section Europe) of the Society for Seventeenth Century Music from 2010 to 2014.

[1] Paul-Marie Masson, “Musique italienne et musique française: La Première Querelle,” Rivista musicale italiana 19 (1912): 521–25; Henry Prunières, L’Opéra italien en France avant Lulli (Paris: Champion, 1913), “Appendice musical,” no. 5, 16–19.

[2] See, for example, Marie-Françoise Christout, Le Ballet de cour de Louis XIV, 1643–1672: Mises en scène (Paris: Picard, 2005), 95.

[3] Thus, Louis Auld, “Lully’s Comic Art,” in Jean-Baptiste Lully: Actes du colloque / Kongreßbericht Saint-Germain-en-Laye–Heidelberg 1987, ed. Jérôme de La Gorce and Herbert Schneider (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1990), 23.

[4] As in Auld, “Lully’s Comic Art,” 21.

[5] See, e.g., Claire Fontijn, Desperate Measures: The Life and Music of Antonia Padoani Bembo (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 184; Barbara Nestola, “Ercole amante, the First Tragédie en musique?,” in Readying Cavalli’s Operas for the Stage: Manuscript, Edition, Production, ed. Ellen Rosand (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), 356.

[6] As in Jérôme de La Gorce, Jean-Baptiste Lully (Paris: Fayard, 2002), 389.

[7] See Prunières, L’Opéra italien en France avant Lulli, 151–212, on “Opéras, concerts et ballets italiens à la cour (1653–1659)”; and more recently Rose A. Pruiksma, “‘Dansé par le roi’: Constructions of French Identity in the Court Ballets of Louis XIV” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1999). See also Jean-Baptiste Lully, Ballet des Saisons, Les Amours déguisés, Ballet royal de Flore, ed. Rebecca Harris-Warrick et al., Œuvres complètes, ser. 1, vol. 6 (Hildesheim: Olms, 2001).

[8] See La Gorce, Jean-Baptiste Lully, 56–102, on “Les premières années à la Cour.”

[9] See Nestola, “Ercole amante, the First Tragédie en musique?,” 354.

[10] On the reception and performance of Italian vocal chamber music in France starting around 1640, see, for instance, Alessio Ruffatti, “Le cantate di Luigi Rossi (1597–1653) in Francia: Diffusione e ricezione nel contesto europeo” (Ph.D. diss., University of Padua and Paris-Sorbonne, 2006), 125–54 (“La musica di Rossi in Francia prima della morte di Mazarino”).

[11] Les Œuvres de Monsieur de Bensserade [sic] (Paris: Charles de Sercy, 1697), vol. 2; later edition available in facsimile (Paris: de Sercy, 1698; reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1981). Most of the seventeenth-century texts cited in this article are available online in the Gallica collection of F-Pn—in this case, a copy of the 1697 edition from another, unidentified library: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k57448s?rk=21459;2 . See also Marie-Claude Canova-Green, “Les Œuvres de M. de Benserade: Une Source à écarter?,” in Quellenstudien zu Jean-Baptiste Lully / L’Œuvre de Lully: Études des sources; Hommage à Lionel Sawkins, ed. Jérôme de La Gorce and Herbert Schneider (Hildesheim: Olms, 1999), 103–14.

[12] On Buti, see Francesco Buti tra Roma e Parigi: Diplomazia, poesia, teatro; Atti del convegno internazionale di studi Parma, 12–15 dicembre 2007, ed. Francesco Luisi (Rome: Torre d’Orfeo, 2009), especially the essay by Michael Klaper, “‘Obedisco alli benignissimi e riveriti commandi di Vostra Eminenza’: Nuove fonti per la vita e le opere di Francesco Buti,” vol. 1, 157–80, containing a preliminary catalog of Buti’s literary works (175–80).

[13] La Gorce, Jean-Baptiste Lully, 96; Michael Klaper, “Vom Ballett zur pièce à machines: Entstehung, Aufführung und Rezeption der Oper L’Orfeo (1647),” Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 13, no. 1 (2007): par. 2.6; https://sscm-jscm.org/v13/no1/klaper.html.

[14] See, for example, Philippe Beaussant, Lully ou le musicien du soleil (Paris: Gallimard, 1992), 191.

[15] On Giovanni Bentivoglio as author of poesie per musica, see Sergio Monaldini, L’Orto dell’Esperidi: Musici, attori e artisti nel patrocinio della famiglia Bentivoglio (1646–1685) (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 2000), xvi.

[16] Ballet de la Raillerie: Dansé par sa majesté le 19. feburier 1659 (Paris: Robert Ballard, 1659), 5: “… qui chantent les vers Italiens qui suiuent, dont la version a esté faite par vn autre que par celuy qui a fait les vers du Ballet.” (This page may be seen here in Figure 3.) The copy of this livret in F-Pn, Rés. Yf-1038, may be consulted online at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k72459n/f1.image. For a modern edition, see Isaac de Benserade, Ballets pour Louis XIV, ed. Marie-Claude Canova-Green (Toulouse: Société de Littératures Classiques, 1997), vol. 2, here p. 440. The vers du ballet were the poems in a livret that metaphorically merged the courtly behavior of individual dancers with the characters they portrayed.

[17] I know of only one French ballet dating from before the 1650s that includes a passage sung in Italian: the Ballet du Libraire du Pont-Neuf, ou les romans [1644]. The “Récit des comédiens italiens,” “Belle donne, belle donne,” seems to have been a sort of canzonetta since the text is written in strophes consisting entirely of ottonari (eight-syllable lines) and including a refrain. In any case, the récit is not translated into French. Le Libraire dv Pont-Nevf, ou les romans: Ballet (n.p., n.d.), 12–13; available online at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k5502226r/f13.image. On this ballet, see Christout, Le Ballet de cour de Louis XIV, 42.

[18] “Piaccia a vostra Asinità,” récit at the beginning of the second part of the Ballet des Proverbes, in Benserade, Ballets, vol. 1, 170; “Récit crotesque italien,” at the beginning of the second part of the Ballet des Bienvenus, given only as a cue in the livret: “Recit Crotesque Italien, partie de Voix, partie d’Instrumens, representez par des Personnages bijarrement vestus auec quantité de postures & plaisantes actions du Corps,” in Benserade, Ballets, vol. 1, 282. Both of these Italian vocal numbers were performed with the participation of “Baptiste,” i.e., Lully, who in the second case is also called the “inventor” of this number.

[19] Benserade: Ballets, vol. 1, 321–24. Lully is identified as the composer.

[20] Les Nopces de Pélée et de Thétis: Comédie italienne en musique, entre-mêlée d’un ballet sur le même sujet, dansé par sa majesté (Paris: Robert Ballard, 1654). A copy in F-Pn, Rés. Yf-1460, which may be consulted at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k717953?rk=21459;2, begins with the vers du ballet and continues with the bilingual opera libretto, with its own pagination and half title: Le nozze di Peléo e di Theti: Commedia / Les Nopces de Pelée et de Thétis: Comédie. The ballet was by Isaac de Benserade and unidentified composers; the opera was by Francesco Buti and Carlo Caproli.

[21] See, e.g., Albert Gier, Das Libretto: Theorie und Geschichte einer musikoliterarischen Gattung (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1998), 3, 84.

[22] Paolo Lorenzani, Nicandro e Fileno, ed. Albert La France (Versailles: Éditions du Centre de Musique Baroque de Versailles, 1999), xiii (French text) / xxvii (English text).

[23] Lorenzani, Nicandro e Fileno, xiii/xxvii: “De fait la version française est dans un langage auquel étaient habitués les gens de la cour plutôt qu’une ‘traduction fidèle.’”

[24] See, for example, the classic study by Roger Zuber, Les “Belles infidèles” et la formation du goût classique, nouvelle éd. (Paris: Albin Michel, 1995).

[25] See Michael Klaper, “Ercole amante—Hercule amoureux: The Poetics of the French Translation of an Italian ‘Tragedia per musica,’” in D’une Scène à l’autre: L’Opéra italien en Europe, ed. Damien Colas and Alessandro Di Profio (Wavre: Mardaga, 2009), vol. 2, 45–58.

[26] La Galanterie du temps: Mascarade [1656], in Contemporains de Molière: Recueil de comédies, rares ou peu connues jouées de 1650 à 1680, ed. Victor Fournel, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1866), 1–2, 5–8. The livret for this piece was printed “sans nom d’auteur ni de libraire, sans lieu ni date,” but the dates of performance can be established from contemporaneous references (Fournel, 439–41).

[27] Giovanni Dotoli et al., Les traductions de l’italien en français au XVIIe siècle (Fasano: Schena; and Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2001). This bibliographical study mentions the operas Le nozze di Peleo e di Theti (153), Ercole amante (201), Xerse (214–15), and Il rapimento di Cefalo (216), but does not include any ballets.

[28] According to Bénigne de Bacilly, the first récit of the Ballet de la Raillerie (“Ie descends du sacré valon”) should be attributed not to Lully but to Boesset (cited by La Gorce, Jean-Baptiste Lully, 380). The Italian texts of La Raillerie have been tentatively attributed to Buti by Nestola, in “Ercole amante, the First Tragédie en musique?,” 356. As for Benserade’s contribution to La Raillerie, only one of the passages sung in French, a duo within the eighth entrée (“Vos beaux yeux embrasent mon cœur,” Ballet de la Raillerie, p. 21, which may be seen at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k72459n/f21.image), is included in the edition of La Raillerie in Les Œuvres de Monsieur de Bensserade; the other, the récit at the very beginning, is missing. Marie-Claude Canova-Green believes that might mean that the récit is by another author (Canova-Green, “Les Œuvres de M. de Benserade,” 103).

[29] Benserade, Ballets, vol. 2, 442–45, 452–57, 465–69.

[30] In the Ballet de l’Impatience the framing parts in Italian are, in fact, termed Prologo/Prologue and Epilogo/Epilogue (Benserade, Ballets, vol. 2, 478–79, 522–23).

[31] As noted by Marie-Claude Canova-Green in Benserade, Ballets, vol. 2, 437.

[32] Benserade, Ballets, vol. 2, 458-59, 439-40.

[33] On the other hand, as Marie-Claude Canova-Green has observed, the traditional grand ballet at the end is entirely replaced by the Italian “epilogue.” Benserade, Ballets, vol. 2, 438.

[34] For the “Concert italien et françois” at the beginning of the Ballet d’Alcidiane, see Benserade, Ballets, vol. 1, 388–91. See also Philippe Beaussant, “Mazarin et la musique,” in Le Concert des muses: Promenade musicale dans le baroque français, ed. Jean Lionnet (Versailles: Éditions du Centre de Musique Baroque de Versailles, 1997), 22.

[35] Pierre-François Godard de Beauchamps, Recherches sur les théâtres de France, depuis l’année onze cent soixante-un jusques à présent (Paris: Prault, 1735), 66–67, enumerates performances of the ballet on “les 19. 20. 22. et 23. février.” Godard’s testimony is confirmed, for the performances on February 19 and 20, by the Gazette (February 22, 1659, p. 192), and for the performances on February 19 and 23, by Jean Loret, La Muze historique, nouvelle éd., vol. 3, ed. Charles-Louis Livet (Paris: Champion, 1877), 24–26. Loret also mentions a possible performance (or rehearsal?) of La Raillerie on February 16 (p.  22), but it is not known whether this actually took place. See also Philippe Hourcade, Mascarades et ballets au Grand Siècle (1643–1715) (Paris: Éditions Desjonquères, 2002), 270.

[36] Loret, Muze historique, vol. 3, 24–25.

[37] Anna Bergerotti, sometimes called simply “Signora Anna,” performed numerous Italian numbers in French ballets between 1656 (Ballet de Psyché) and 1664 (Les Amours déguisés); see Table 1. Loret dedicates the longest passage concerned with a single singer to her in his review of the Ballet de la Raillerie: “Anne, cette Fille êtrangére, / Dont la voix, au Louvre, est si chére, / Cette aimable Bergétoty [sic], / Dont maint cœur est assujéty, / Ce Trézor, venu d’Italie, / Dont la méthode est si jolie, / Et qui sçait bien, ut, ré, mi, fa, / A n’en point mentir, trionfa….” (Muze historique, vol. 3, 25).

[38] As can be inferred from Herbert Schneider, Chronologisch-thematisches Verzeichnis sämtlicher Werke von Jean-Baptiste Lully (LWV) (Tutzing: Schneider, 1981), 59 (where La Raillerie is catalogued as LWV 11). On the missing epilogue, see also Noam Krieger, “Philidor Sources for the Ballet de la Raillerie,” in Quellenstudien zu Jean-Baptiste Lully, 147–58, 148–49.

[39] For a useful recent summary, see Rebecca Harris-Warrick, “Editing Lully’s Ballets: Problems and Responses,” in Quellenstudien zu Jean-Baptiste Lully, 23–47. See also James R. Anthony, “Towards a Principal Source for Lully’s Court Ballets: Foucault vs Philidor,” Recherches sur la musique française classique 25 (1987), 77–104.

[40] As has been magisterially demonstrated by James R. Anthony, “More Faces than Proteus: Lully’s Ballet des muses,” Early Music 15 (1987), 336–44.

[41] That Ballard normally “would set type and print copies of ballet livrets before the opening performance” is established in Carl B. Schmidt, “Livrets for Lully’s Ballets and Mascarades: Notes toward a Publishing History and Chronology (1654–1671),” in Jean-Baptiste Lully: Actes du colloque, 333.

[42] I use, and sometimes modify, the translation found in Pruiksma, “Dansé par le roi,” 76–77.

[43] See Georgia Cowart, The Origins of Modern Musical Criticism: French and Italian Music, 1600–1750 (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1981), 5–16; Michael Klaper, “Die Wahrnehmung und Beurteilung des Phänomens Oper in Frankreich bis zu Mazarins Tod (1661),” Musica e storia 16 (2008), 295–340.

[44] Note that this idea supports the well-known episode in the writings of Saint-Evremond where he states that the composer Luigi Rossi particularly appreciated the performance of Italian vocal music by French singers (cited in Ruffatti, “Le cantate di Luigi Rossi,” 138).

[45] The livret has “comporte” (Ballet de la Raillerie, 16; Benserade, Ballets, vol. 2, 454), which is obviously an error. The French version of this passage makes clear that the correct reading is “comporre.”

[46] Pruiksma, “Dansé par le roi,” 76.

[47] On this see Katharina Piechocki, “Dall’Ercole amante all’Hercule amoureux: Verso una rivalutazione della ‘mauvaise traduction’ del libretto di Francesco Buti,” in Francesco Buti tra Roma e Parigi, vol. 2, 837–60, and Klaper, “Ercole amante—Hercule amoureux.”

[48] Pruiksma, “Dansé par le roi,” 76–77.

[49] Pruiksma has already made this argument, but in a more general manner (“Dansé par le roi,” 75).

[50] Versi tronchi are indicated here, and also in Table 2, by the annotation “(vt).” A verso tronco is, as its name suggests, “truncated”: though these two lines are called ottonari, they each have only seven pronounced syllables.

[51] The refrain is indicated here and in Table 2 by an upper-case letter.

[52] Here and in Table 2, the apostrophe represents the so-called “mute e” of feminine line endings.

[53] See René Bray, “L’Introduction des vers mêlés sur la scène classique,” Proceedings of the Modern Language Association 66 (1951), 456–84, 462.

[54] See, for example, the introduction to Philippe Quinault, Alceste: Suivi de la querelle d’Alceste, ed. William Brooks et al. (Geneva: Droz, 1994), xxii; and Herbert Schneider, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2nd ed., s.v. “Lully,” col. 593.

[55] Regarding the grouping of the Lully ballet manuscripts into three traditions, see, for example, James R. Anthony, “Les Amours déguisez: The Principal Sources,” in Quellenstudien zu Jean-Baptiste Lully, 13–22; and Harris-Warrick, “Editing Lully’s Ballets.” The musical sources for La Raillerie consulted here include F-Pn Rés. F-508 (Qu. 1), Philidor Tradition; F-Pn Rés. F-519 (Qu. 2), Philidor Tradition; F-Pn Vm6/1 (Qu. 4), Third Tradition; F-TLm Cons. 1 (Qu. 6), Foucault Tradition; and F-B Ms. 13734 (Qu. 10), Foucault Tradition. Qu 1 is the principal source for the transcription in Table 2. The “Qu” numbers for Lully manuscripts come from Schneider, Chronologisch-thematisches Verzeichnis sämtlicher Werke von Jean-Baptiste Lully.

[56] This is what the Gazette (February 22, 1659, p. 192) writes about La Raillerie: “Le 19 & le 20, fut dancé le Balet intitulé la Raillerie, qui pour avoir esté composé en fort peu de temps, n’a pas laissé d’estre trouvé des plus agréable [sic], dans ses douze Entrées” (emphasis mine). It can be concluded from this that La Raillerie was not received very favorably. It is not surprising, therefore, that the writer continues by changing the subject and concentrating on praise for Louis XIV: “où Sa Majesté continüant de montrer les avantages qu’Elle a par dessus tous les autres Princes, se fait tousjours si bien remarquer, que chacun est contraint d’avoüer, qu’Elle ne paroist pas moins auguste dans ses divertissemens, que dans ses Actions plus sérieuses.” [Return to n. 61]

[57] Loosely based on the translation in Pruiksma, “Dansé par le roi,” 76–77.

[58] For example, Christout, Le Ballet de cour de Louis XIV, 95: “Lully [!] s’amuse à confronter ironiquement la musique française représentée par Mlle de La Barre et la musique italienne défendue par la Signora Bergerotti. Toutes deux concluent sagement: ‘Le cœur qui chante et celui qui soupire / Peuvent s’accorder aisément’”; La Gorce, Jean-Baptiste Lully, 389: “Tout en soulignant les différences entre les deux esthétiques, cette petite scène cherchait ensuite à apaiser les adversaires du style italien qu’illustrait alors Lully….  Rien ne doit s’opposer quand il s’agit de peindre des sentiments.”

[59] Thus, Auld, “Lully’s Comic Art,” 21: “[The dialogue] marks a turning point, the triumph of French music over Italian in Lully’s career”, and 23: “The dialogue gives French music the victory, declares it publicly in a theatrical forum.”

[60] As, for example, Prunières, L’Opéra italien, 208–209, and Beaussant, Lully, 190–91 (who both first cite the score version and then slip into the livret version).

[61] The Gazette discusses La Raillerie only once, regarding the performances on February 19 and 20, and without differentiating between them (see above, n. 56). Loret describes the first (public) performance on February 19 in detail, but mentions the last performance on February 23 only briefly without speaking of changes and without mentioning the Intermedio/Intermède at all (Muze historique, vol. 3, 24–26).

[62] The only variant evident in the transmission of the livret seems to be a minor typographical change: see Schmidt, “Livrets for Lully’s Ballets and Mascarades,” 342.

[63] See Klaper, “Die Wahrnehmung und Beurteilung des Phänomens Oper.”

[64] The musical version of the Intermedio/Intermède has been analyzed more than once in the past, though normally without differentiating between the text in the livret and the musical composition: see, above all, Auld, “Lully’s Comic Art,” 22; Pruiksma, “Dansé par le roi,” 77–78; Fontijn, Desperate Measures, 184.

[65] On the concept of “metareference” in general, see the volume Self-Reference in Literature and Music, ed. Walter Bernhart and Werner Wolf (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2010), especially the essay by Werner Wolf, “Metamusic? Potentials and Limits of ‘Metareference’ in Instrumental Music: Theoretical Reflections and a Case Study (Mozart’s Ein musikalischer Spaß),” 1–32; on “metareference” in Lully’s works during the early stages of his career, see Michael Klaper, “Selbstreferenz und Inszenierung von Nationalstilen in frühen Monodien Lullys,” Basler Jahrbuch für Historische Musikpraxis (forthcoming).

[66] Beaussant, Lully, 192–93.

[67] See Daniela Dalla Valle, “Le Succès du premier opéra en français: La Première comédie française en musique; Pastorale de Pierre Perrin et Albert [sic] Cambert,” in L’Âge de la représentation: L’Art du spectacle au XVIIe siècle; Actes du IXe colloque du Centre International de Rencontres sur le XVIIe siècle Kiel, 16–18 mars 2006, ed. Rainer Zeiser, Biblio 17 174 (Tübingen: Narr, 2007), 157–68.

[68] Lettre écrite à Monseigneur l’archevesque de Turin, in Les Œuvres de poésie de Mr. Perrin (Paris: Estienne Loyson, 1661), 273–90, available online at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k3118090/f281.image. The text has been reproduced in, for example, Quellentexte zur Konzeption der europäischen Oper im 17. Jahrhundert, ed. Heinz Becker (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1981), 105–11 (with commentary by Herbert Schneider); an English translation can be found in Louis E. Auld, The ‘Lyric Art’ of Pierre Perrin, Founder of French Opera (Henryville: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1986), 102–108. The Lettre is characterized as the “première apparition d’une théorie poétique de l’opéra” by Catherine Kintzler, Poétique de l’opéra français de Corneille à Rousseau (Paris: Minerve, 1991), 148 (emphasis in the original).

[69] See Dietrich Erben, Paris und Rom: Die staatlich gelenkten Kunstbeziehungen unter Ludwig XIV. (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2004), 37–49.

[70] See Pruiksma, “Dansé par le roi,” 36 and 40; Fontijn, Desperate Measures, 184; Nestola, “Ercole amante, the First Tragédie en musique?,” 355–56.

[71] It is a common assumption in Lully scholarship today that the existing copies of the music of Lully’s early ballets stem from master scores that have not survived (see, for example, Anthony, “Towards a Principal Source for Lully’s Court Ballets,” 89; Harris-Warrick, “Editing Lully’s Ballets,” 36). Noam Krieger has come to the conclusion that for the Ballet de la Raillerie different master scores were used even within the Philidor tradition: see his “Philidor sources for the Ballet de la Raillerie,” 153.

[72] In this copy, F-Pn Rés. F-508 (Qu. 1), after the concluding words of French Music and the empty system (with clefs) on p. 35, there are two empty pages (pp. 36–37) that the copyist must have deemed sufficient for the transcription of the missing duet.

[73] It has been shown by Anthony “that Philidor wished to produce as complete a musical record as possible of whichever ballet he was copying” (“Towards a Principal Source for Lully’s Court Ballets,” 93). To do this, he used (and even copied) the livrets. See Carl Schmidt, “Two New Foucault Sources of Lully Ballets in the United States,” in Quellenstudien zu Jean-Baptiste Lully, 278–312, 280; Krieger, “Philidor Sources for the Ballet de la Raillerie,” 157.

[74] It seems that music from the Ballet de la Raillerie was reused for a mascarade with the title Les débris du ballet du roi; see Schneider, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, s.v. “Lully,” col. 587. The livret (which I have not been able to consult) was probably printed by Robert Ballard in 1659, but it does not contain the Intermedio/Intermède (or other vocal pieces) from La Raillerie. Laurent Guillo, Pierre I Ballard et Robert III Ballard Imprimeurs du roy pour la musique (1599-1673), catalog available at the website of the Centre de Musique Baroque de Versailles, http://philidor.cmbv.fr/Publications/Catalogues-de-genre/; the description of this livret is dated March 2007.

[75] I borrow this formulation from Anthony, “More Faces than Proteus,” 336.

[76] See Lorenzani, Nicandro e Fileno, xvii–xviii and xxxi.

[77] After Ercole amante (1662), Nicandro e Fileno seems to have been the only Italian opera staged in France before 1729. Neal Zaslaw, “The First Opera in Paris: A Study in the Politics of Art,” in Jean-Baptiste Lully and the Music of the French Baroque: Essays in Honor of James R. Anthony, ed. John Hajdu Heyer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 11.

[78] Jean-Baptiste Lully, Le Carnaval, mascarade mise en musique (Paris: Ballard, 1720), 33–39. A copy of this score, F-Pn Vm2/20, may be consulted at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9062399r.

[79] Jean-Baptiste Stuck, Méléagre, tragédie mise en musique (Paris: Ballard, 1709), 1–66. A copy of this score, F-Pn Vm2/212, may be consulted at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9062724d?rk=42918;4.

[80] See Georgia J. Cowart, The Triumph of Pleasure: Louis XIV and the Politics of Spectacle (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 6, 42–48.

[81] Klaper, “Selbstreferenz und Inszenierung von Nationalstilen in frühen Monodien Lullys” (forthcoming): “sich des eigenen Tuns im Medium der Kunst zu vergewissern: also Stücke zu schreiben und zu komponieren, die die Bedingungen dieser Kunst selbst thematisierten.”