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References

^[1] Roger Bowers, “Monteverdi at Mantua, 1590–1612,” in The Cambridge Companion to Monteverdi, ed. John Whenham and Richard Wistreich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 53–75; Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music in the Household of the Gonzaga Dukes of Mantua, 1590–1612,” Music & Letters 90, no. 3 (2009): 331–71.

^[2] See Jeffrey Kurtzman, “The Mantuan Sacred Music,” in The Cambridge Companion to Monteverdi, 141–54, at 141–47.

^[3] “Chiedere alla bona grazia di Vostra Altezza Serenissima con la propria voce, in questa occasione de la morte del Pallavicino, il titolo che già il signore Giaches aveva sopra la musica … io Li chieggio supplichevolmente d’esser mastro e de la Camera e de la Chiesa sopra la musica.” Eva Lax, ed., Monteverdi: Lettere (Florence, Olschki, 1994), 14. This letter came ten years after Monteverdi had entered Duke Vincenzo’s service, in late 1591 or early 1592. From then until 1610, Monteverdi had published only secular chamber music and L’Orfeo. For Vincenzo’s expedition, see Vincenzo Errante, “ ‘Forse che sì, forse che no’: La terza spedizione del duca Vincenzo Gonzaga in Ungheria alla Guerra contro il Turco (1601) studiata su documenti inediti,” Archivio storico lomabardo 42 (1915): 15–114. The expedition is described in Ippolito Donesmondi, Dell’istoria ecclesiastica di Mantova, 2 vols. (Mantua: Aurelio & Lodovico Osanna Fratelli, 1612 and 1616), 2:322–30.

^[4] “Che io non recercassi … il loco ora vacante in questa parte de la Chiesa.” “This part of the Church” likely meant something more specific to Monteverdi and Vincenzo than is clear to us—it could simply refer to the position vacated by the death of Pallavicino, where “parte” of the Church meant the post or role itself. As demonstrated below, one of Pallavicino’s functions, at least in 1596–97, and probably beyond, was as maestro di cappella at Sant’Andrea, a church with which Vincenzo was deeply involved, while at the same time serving as the duke’s maestro di cappella. For further comment on the question of the phrase’s meaning in reference to Bowers’s interpretation, see n. 38 below.

^[5] “… negligente servitù mia … non cercandole maggior adito di mostrarsi al finissimo gusto del udito Suo ancora ne’ motetti e messe valere qualche poco.” The meaning of the word “ancora” is ambiguous in this context. In its meaning of “also,” the passage suggests that Monteverdi had to this point composed only secular music for the court; but in its meaning of “again,” it is an indicator that Monteverdi had already demonstrated his “somewhat little worth” in motets and masses. Denis Stevens, in his English translation of the letter, ignores the ambiguity by simply skipping the word. See Denis Stevens, ed. and trans., The Letters of Claudio Monteverdi, rev. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 30. Bowers, however, does take note of “ancora,” translating the passage as “yet greater opportunity for showing himself to your most refined taste as of some worth in motets and masses.” Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 352. It is our view that “ancora” in this context means “also,” thereby implying that Monteverdi had not yet had the opportunity to show his worth in masses and motets. For Monteverdi and Vincenzo, of course, there was no ambiguity; Vincenzo would have known what Monteverdi meant.

^[6] The most thorough and reliable account of Gastoldi’s biography is Ottavio Beretta, “Giovanni Giacomo Gastoldi: Profilo Biografico,” Rivista internazionale di musica sacra 16, no. 1 (1995): 121–41. Gastoldi’s accession to the maestro di cappella position is discussed on 136–38. The role of Giaches de Wert in relation to the musical cappella of Santa Barbara and the duke’s court chapel has proved somewhat problematic in the literature on the court. We address this issue in our discussion of the Church of Santa Barbara (main text, par. 11.5–11.8).

^[8] The Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca (1623) includes both the specific and general senses of the word chiesa in its definitions and examples: [1] Tempio de’ Cristiani, dove si celebra il sacrificio, e altri ufici divini: Dante, Inf. “Ma nella chiesa co’santi, e in taverna co’ghiottoni”; [2] Per la congregazion’ de fedeli: Bocca[ccio] “… che abbia la Chiesa d’Iddio,” Dante, Par. “… con la Chiesa mossi i piedi.” Examples of the more general usage could be multiplied endlessly. The decrees and canons of the Council of Trent are replete with this generic usage as are innumerable documents discussing the need for reform of the Roman Church in the sixteenth century. See, for example, Rob C. Wegman, The Crisis of Music in Early Modern Europe, 1470–1530 (New York: Routledge, 2005), 13, 14, 23, 41, and passim.

^[13] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 354. The information comes from a letter by the singer Giovanni Battista Sacchi to Cardinal Ferdinando Gonzaga in Rome, 15 January 1610, explaining why Sacchi hadn’t been able to meet with the cardinal as anticipated. Quoted in Susan Helen Parisi, “Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua, 1587–1627: An Archival Study” (PhD diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1989), 657–58: “Non ho potuto secondo il mio volere ritrovarmi alla partenza di V. Sig.ria Ill.ma et Rev.ma poiche il Sig.re Duca suo P’re et mio Sig.re et p’rone mi com’ando ch’io dovessi andare a Gazoldo ad aiutare cantare la prima messa di D. Fran.co musico di S.A. Sre.ma e tornato trovai che V. Sig.ria Ill.ma era partita.”

^[14] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 355. As sources, Bowers cites Iain Fenlon, “The Monteverdi Vespers: Suggested Answers to Some Fundamental Questions,” Early Music 5, no. 3 (1977): 380–88, at 383; and Licia Mari and Jeffrey Kurtzman, “A Monteverdi Vespers in 1611,” Early Music 36, no. 4 (November 2008), 547–54.

^[15] Mari and Kurtzman, “A Monteverdi Vespers in 1611.” On the musical establishment at Sant’Andrea, see Licia Mari, “The Music of Claudio Monteverdi in the Basilica of Sant’Andrea in Mantua: New Research,” Philomusica on-line,17, no. 1 (2018): 117–29, http://dx.doi.org/10.13132/1826-9001/17.1982.

^[16] Donesmondi, Dell’istoria ecclesiastica, 2:201. Italian given in main text, n. 191.

^[18] See Bowers, “Monteverdi at Mantua,” 72; Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 335, 340, 342, 347, 353, 358.

^[19] Bowers, “Monteverdi at Mantua,” 72. A very similar statement appears in “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 358.

^[20] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 335. For our comments on the chapel in the Palazzo del Capitano, see main text, par. 10.6 and 12.4.

^[23] See Costante Berselli, “La pianta di Mantova di Gabriele Bertazzolo,” Civiltà mantovana 2 (1967): 278–97; “Urbis Mantuae Descriptio, pianta prospettica della città disegnata da Gabriele Bertazzolo e stampata da Ludovico Delfichi nel 1628,” in Mantova nelle stampe: trecentottanta carte, piante e vedute del territorio mantovano, ed. Daniela Ferrari (Brescia: Grafo, 1985), 45–48. The 1628 map can be accessed online at https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/urbis-mantuae-descriptio-gabriele-bertazzolo/2gG7N3ShrA3K-Q.

^[24] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 335–37n21. Bowers uses very similar wording about the small size of this space in “Monteverdi at Mantua,” 55.

^[25] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 335–37, where Bowers also reproduces the relevant detail from each engraving.

^[27] The sources Bowers cites in his comments on the tower are Stefano L’Occaso, The Ducal Palace of Mantua, trans. Christopher Evans (Milan: Electa, 2002), 121; L’Occaso, “Studi sul palazzo ducale di Mantova nel Trecento,” in Atti e Memorie dell’Accademia Virgiliana 70 (2003): 135–67 at 141, 147, 162, 165. Although Bowers cites the pages (153–55) in the latter publication where L’Occaso discusses the background to the construction of Santa Croce in corte vecchio, he neither mentions nor cites the next three pages, in which L’Occaso details the position and structure of the new church, which contradict in every detail Bowers’s thesis that the church was in the Magna Domus. On the Magna Domus and the entrance tower, see main text, par. 10.3.

^[28] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 339–40. It is noteworthy that Donesmondi uses the verb “fabricare,” not “convertire” or “trasformare” to describe the building of the church: “Diede principio il Marchese à fabricare in Corte vecchia una picciola, ma molto nobile Chiesa.” See main text, n. 185.

^[31] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 332, 334. Bowers, in his plate 6, has also superimposed hatching on no. 34 of Crevola’s ground floor plan, thus identifying it with no. 3 on his own plate 1, which he labels as the “oratorium secretum” of Peruzzi’s report. The legend in Crevola’s fig. 20 identifies the ground floor space no. 34 as capellina di Santa Croce. The term capellina in various documents pertaining to the corte vecchia is often interchangeable with oratorio. Frequently it is used in the expression capellina sopra Santa Croce, but in Crevola’s ground-floor plan it must be “little chapel of Santa Croce,” i.e., the Church of Santa Croce.

^[34] Stefano L’Occaso, “Santa Croce in Corte, palazzo ducale,” in Quattro chiese trasformate, ed. Rosanna Golinelli Berto, Quaderni di San Lorenzo 3 (Mantua: Associazione per i monumenti domenicani, 2005), 7–35, at 13, 15–16; and L’Occaso, “Santa Croce in Corte e la devozione dei Gonzaga alla Vera Croce,” in Rubens: Eleonora de’ Medici Gonzaga e l’oratorio sopra Santa Croce; pittura devota a corte, ed. Filippo Trevisani and Stefano L’Occaso (Milan: Electa, 2005), 24–32. In the former article, pp. 19–20, L’Occaso points to a number of French antecedent chiese doppie, on two levels, as far back as the mid-twelfth century, placed on the east side of palace complexes facing an internal courtyard with a rosette window on the façade, the position of which can also be seen in the remains of Santa Croce. Italian examples did also exist but were less frequent. In such churches, the bottom level was at times available to the public, while the upper level was for the private use of the patron and typically housed relics, as in Santa Croce. Francesco I Gonzaga, who was first authorized in 1394 by Pope Boniface IX to demolish the existing palace church of Santa Croce and build the new one, had been in Paris in 1389 and may well have been influenced by the most famous double-church of all, the Sainte Chapelle in Paris. See also Renato Berzaghi, “Eleonora de’ Medici Gonzaga e l’oratorio sopra Santa Croce,” in Rubens: Eleonora de’ Medici Gonzaga e l’oratorio sopra Santa Croce, 33–44. Though Bowers cites L’Occaso’s and Berzaghi’s articles, he simply dismisses without discussion all the information contained therein, for it does not support his own thesis.

^[37] “In studiolo apud capellam Sancti Francisi.” I-MAa, AG b. 396, fol. 58. See L’Occaso, “Studi sul palazzo ducale di Mantova nel Trecento,” 152, cited in Giovanni Rodella, “Gli edifici medievali: Le strutture architettoniche,” in Il Palazzo Ducale di Mantova, ed. Giuliana Algeri (Mantua: Editoriale Sometti, 2003), 17–52, at 34; the fresco is pictured in Algeri, 60. For the related passage in the main text, see par. 12.5.

^[38] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 353–54. Bowers’s assertions about Wert don’t square with his own interpretation (p. 353) of Monteverdi’s statement at the beginning of his 28 November 1601 letter requesting “il titolo che già il signore Giaches aveva sopra la musica” (the title that formerly Signor Giaches [de Wert] had over the music). If Giaches had had only the title of maestro di cappella of the ducal chapel, then that wouldn’t explain Monteverdi’s request at the end of the letter to be named “mastro e de la Camera e de la Chiesa sopra la musica.” Monteverdi, in this letter, indirectly confirms that Wert had in the past been maestro di cappella over both institutions. That does not mean, however, that Monteverdi, as noted above, was seeking to be named maestro di cappella of Santa Barbara, where Gastoldi was well ensconced, but rather only “in loco ora vacante in questa parte de la Chiesa.” As we suggested previously, that vacancy may have been as maestro di cappella at Sant’Andrea, but surely included responsibility for all the duke’s sacred music outside Santa Barbara. Bowers’s declaration that “il titolo che già il signore Giaches aveva” meant that “Monteverdi sought to be appointed to the post of maestro di cappella of the ducal household as it had been exercised specifically not by Pallavicino but by Wert before him, [and that] he was seeking appointment to responsibilities (and rewards) which extended also to Wert’s initially strong executive influence over the music of Santa Barbara” is a far-fetched conclusion drawn from his refusal to acknowledge that Wert actually had been maestro di cappella of Santa Barbara—a refusal contradicted by all the evidence we have cited (see main text, par. 11.5–11.7).

^[40] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 348–49. With regard to services in Santa Croce, Bowers has ignored the passage in the 1576 visitor’s report, the accuracy of which in L’Occaso’s transcription he had so carefully verified, which says, “Coram tamen serenissimo duce capellani utuntur missale Sancte Barbarae, sed raro in dicta ecclesia celebrare facit.” See App. 3, par. 1.5.

^[41] Paola Besutti, “La galleria musicale dei Gonzaga: intermediari, luoghi, musiche e strumenti in corte a mantova,” in Gonzaga: La celeste galeria—Le raccolte: Mostra, Mantova Palazzo Te-Palazzo Ducale, 2-8 Settembre, 2002, ed. Raffaella Morselli (Milan: Skira, 2002), 407–75, at 464.

^[43] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 346n56, citing Fenlon, “The Monteverdi Vespers,” 383, 387n10.

^[44]Fenlon, “The Monteverdi Vespers,” 383. Fenlon was relying on Knud Jeppesen, who had made this argument in “Monteverdi, Kapellmeister an S.ta Barbara?,” in Claudio Monteverdi e il suo tempo: Relazioni e comunicazioni, ed. Raffaello Monterosso (Verona: Stamperia Valdonega, 1969), 313–19, at 315; and Guglielmo Barblan, Conservatorio di Musica “Giuseppe Verdi” di Milano: Catalogo della Biblioteca, Fondi speciali 1: Musiche della Cappella di S. Barbara in Mantova (Florence: Olschki, 1972), 5.

^[45] Paola Besutti, “ ‘Ave maris stella’: la tradizione mantovana nuovamente posta in musica da Monteverdi,” in Claudio Monteverdi: Studi e Prospettive, Atti del Convegno Mantova, 21–24 ottobre 1993, ed. P. Besutti, T. M. Gialdroni, R. Baroncini (Florence: Olschki, 1998), 57–78, at 76, 78. That there is a discrepancy between Giaches de Wert’s chant melody and the chant found in Santa Barbara codices in the Archivio Diocesano in Mantua need not be of concern. There are other compositions by both Palestrina and Wert on texts specifically for the feast of Santa Barbara in which the chants differ in some respects from those in the Santa Barbara codices. But the final version of the Santa Barbara chants, not completed by Guglielmo until 1584, represented years of revisions, probably beginning even before 1561 or 1562 with the first efforts of his envoy to persuade the pope to authorize a special rite, including the switching of responsories and antiphons that Guglielmo proposed in 1562. These earlier versions no longer exist but are likely reflected in the differences between chants used in some polyphonic compositions for the basilica and the chants as they are found in the final versions of the Santa Barbara chant codices. The first approval for use of a private breviary came in 1567, with the first printing of a breviary in 1571. See Paola Besutti, “Quante erano le messe mantovane? Nuovi elementi su Palestrina e il repertorio musicale per S. Barbara,” in Palestrina e l’Europa: Atti del III convegno internazionale di studi, ed. Giancarlo Rostirolla, Stefania Soldati, and Elena Zomparelli (Palestrina: Fondazione Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, 2006), 707–42, at 710–26.

^[48] Guglielmo Barblan, “La vita di Claudio Monteverdi,” in Guglielmo Barblan, Claudio Gallico and Guido Pannain, Claudio Monteverdi nel quarto centenario della nascita (Turin: Edizioni Rai Radiotelevisione Italiana, 1967), 35–36, 42, 59, 66; Domenico de’ Paoli, Monteverdi (Milan: Rusconi Libri, 1979), 95–99, 120–23, 203, 263; Denis Stevens, The Letters of Claudio Monteverdi, 1st ed. (New York–London: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 33, 35–38, 48, 55, 80–81, 88; Paolo Fabbri, Monteverdi (Turin: E.D.T. Edizioni, 1985), 44–45, 66–68, 116, 149, 173–74, also available in English, trans. Tim Carter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994; 2nd ed., 2011). To these we may add Parisi, “Ducal Patronage,” and Kurtzman, “The Mantuan Sacred Music.”

^[49] Kurtzman, “The Mantuan Sacred Music.” There is no citation of this article in Bowers’s Cambridge Companion article, nor in his subsequent Music & Letters article, which, in fact, presents no new information on this subject. We, of course, have no objection to Bowers writing about such matters, only his claim that he is making an “initial assessment.”

^[50] Parisi, “Ducal Patronage,” 22–23, 28–29; Parisi, “Musicians at the Court of Mantua during Monteverdi’s Time: Evidence from the Payrolls,” in Musicologia Humana: Studies in Honor of Warren and Ursula Kirkendale, ed. Siegfried Gmeinwieser, David Hiley, Jörg Riedlbauer (Florence: Olschki, 1994), 183–208, at 186–200.

^[51] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 332. Parisi, in “Ducal Patronage,” 28, and “Musicians at Court,” 188, lists fourteen known singers, including two “Estraordinari.” Three of the singers are female.

^[52] Parisi, “Ducal Patronage,” 23, 55; “Musicians at Court,” 190–92.

^[53] Bowers, “Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 332, 355. Bowers takes ten as a “permanently authorized” number for the singers, citing Fabbri, Monteverdi, 36, but Fabbri says “una decina circa di cantori [emphasis ours].” Parisi’s payroll documents justify Fabbri’s more approximate number.

^[54] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 356. For the presence of female singers in services in Santa Barbara, see main text, par. 11.12 and 11.24.

^[56] See Domenico de’ Paoli, Claudio Monteverdi: Lettere, dediche e prefazioni (Rome: Edizioni de Santis, 1973), pp. 395–96. Translation adapted from Source Readings in Music History, ed. Oliver Strunk, rev. ed. Leo Treitler, part 4: “The Baroque Era,” ed. Margaret Murata (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1998), 537. The letter to Francesco is published in Lax, Monteverdi:Lettere, 36: “Con la qual occasione di questa mia vengo insieme a pregarLe da Nostro Signore la fellice Pasqua e suplicarLa si degni di acettare il Dixit a 8 che l’Altezza Serenissma Vostra m’impose ch’io li mandassi, inseme con il quale Li mando ancora un motettino a due voci da essere cantato nella Levazione di Nostro Signore, e un altro, a cinque, della Beata Vergine. Passata la Settimana Santa, manderò un para de madregali e altro ch’io possa comprendere che sia per gustare all’Altezza Serenissima Vostra.” English translation in Stevens, Letters of Monteverdi, rev. ed., 77–81, at 80.

^[59] See main text, par. 11.12. Adriana and Vittoria Basile also sang in Santa Barbara in 1612 (see main text, par. 11.24). Even though Santa Barbara was open to the public, it was still a ducal chapel where the normal prohibition against women singing in the church could be superseded by the duke’s authority. It is unlikely that the female singers would have performed in Roman-controlled ecclesiastical institutions in the city, but they may have done so in female convents. For annual Holy Week performances in Florence by Francesca Caccini and her students, see main text, n. 315.

^[60] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 357. Bowers’s “elite” group and another paid by some “inferior” means are simply Bowers’s invention in an effort to categorize existing and missing documents.

^[63] For broad-based studies of sacred music of the period, see (in reverse chronological order) Mapping the Motet in the Post-Tridentine Era, ed. Esperanza Rodríguez-García and Daniele V. Filippi (London: Routledge, 2019); Jeffrey Kurtzman, “Musiche per l’Ufficio nelle edizione italiane a stampa (1542–1735),” in Da Napoli a Napoli: Musica e musicologia senza confine (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2014), 27–46; Kurtzman, “Polyphonic Psalm and Canticle Antiphons for Vespers, Compline and Lauds Published in Italy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” in Barocco Padano 7: Atti del XV Convegno internazionale sulla musica italiana nei secoli XVII–XVIII, Milano, 14–16 luglio 2009, ed. Alberto Colzani, Andrea Luppi, Maurizio Padoan (Como: Antiquae Musicae Italicae Studiosi, 2012), 581–644; Kurtzman, “Printed Italian Music for Matins and Lauds throughout the Year and Other Services in Holy Week, 1544–1725,” in Barocco Padano 6: Atti del XIV Convegno internazionale sulla musica italiana nel secoli XVII–XVIII, Brescia, 16–18 luglio 2007, ed. Alberto Colzani, Andrea Luppi, and Maurizio Padoan (Como: Antiquae Musicae Italicae Studiosi, 2010), 347–408; Kurtzman, “Hymns Published in Italy, 1542–1715,” in Barocco Padano 5: Atti del XIII Convegno internazionale sulla musica italiana nel secoli XVII–XVIII, Brescia, 18–20 luglio 2005, ed. Alberto Colzani, Andrea Luppi, and Maurizio Padoan (Como: Antiquae Musicae Italicae Studiosi, 2008), 9–100; Anthony M. Cummings, “The Motet,” in European Music: 1520–1640, ed. James Haar (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2006), 130–56; Kurtzman, “Music for Compline Published in Italy, 1555–1700: A Survey of the Repertoire,” Barocco Padano 4: Atti del XII Convegno internazionale sulla musica italiana nel secoli XVII–XVIII, Brescia, 14–16 luglio 2003, ed. Alberto Colzani, Andrea Luppi, and Maurizio Padoan (Como: Antiquae Musicae Italicae Studiosi, 2006), 59–116; Orlando Lasso, The Complete Motets, ed. Peter Bergquist et al., 21 vols. (Madison: A-R Editions, 1998–2006); Kurtzman, “Why Would Monteverdi Publish a Vespers in 1610? Lifting the Shadows on the Development of a Repertoire,” De Musica et Cantu, Helmut Hucke zum 60. Geburtstag (Hildesheim: Olms, 1993), 419–55; Michèle Y. Fromson, “Imitation and Innovation in the North-Italian Motet 1565–1605” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1988).

^[65] The manuscript, in V-Cvbav, can be viewed online at https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Capp.Sist.107. A discussion of this source by Eugenio Ragni can be found in Claudio Monteverdi, Missa da Capella a sei, Vespro della Beata Vergine, ed. Antonio Delfino, in Opera Omnia, vol. 9 (Cremona: Fondazione Claudio Monteverdi, 2005), 95–100.

^[66] Missae senis et octonis vocibus ex celeberrimis auctoribus Horatio Vecchio aliisque collectae … (Antwerp: Pierre Phalèse, 1612). See RISM, ser. B/1: Recuils Imprimés XVIe–XVIIIe Siècles, 1612¹. No extant Phalèse edition printed before 1615 contains a basso continuo part. In that year Phalèse printed editions of Monteverdi’s third, fourth, and fifth books of madrigals with added continuo parts. See RISM, ser. A/1: Einzeldrucke vor 1800, M3465, M3472, and M3482.

^[67] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 358n121. The letter is quoted in Fabbri, Monteverdi, 154; Carter translation, 109. The letter goes into significant detail about the mass: “Monteverdi is having printed an a cappella mass for six voices of great studiousness and labour, having obliged himself to handle for every note and in every way, always reinforcing the eight [recte ten] points of imitation that are in the motet In illo tempore by Gombert.”

^[68] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 359n125. In 1984 Andrew Parrott published an article regarding transposition downward a fourth of Monteverdi’s Lauda Jerusalem and Magnificats, all notated in high clefs (G2, C2, C3, F3): “Transposition in Monteverdi’s Vespers of 1610: An ‘Aberration’ Defended,” Early Music 12, no. 4 (1984): 490–516. In 2003 Bowers, in “An ‘Aberration’ Reviewed: The Reconciliation of Inconsistent Clef-Systems in Monteverdi’s Mass and Vespers of 1610,” Early Music 31, no. 4 (2003): 527–38, countered Parrott’s contention with his own argument that the high clefs should be transposed down a major second to bring the overall ranges of these pieces into accord with the ranges of the “low-clef” pieces of Monteverdi’s collection. After a response by Andrew Parrott, “Monteverdi: Onwards and Downwards,” Early Music 32, no. 2 (2004): 303–17, expanding his justification for downward transposition by a fourth, Bowers reiterated his position in 2011 in “ ‘The high and lowe keyes come both to one pitch’: Reconciling Inconsistent Clef-Systems in Monteverdi’s Vocal Music for Mantua,” Early Music 39, no. 4 (2011): 531–45. Again Parrott responded in “High Clefs and Down-to-Earth Transposition: A Brief Defense of Monteverdi,” in Early Music 40, no. 1 (2012): 81–85. Parrott’s four Early Music essays on this subject have all been republished in Parrott, Composers’ Intentions? Lost Traditions of Musical Performance (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2015), 146–236. In addition to Parrott’s contribution to this subject, the literature on high clefs and their significance for transposition in both musical theory and practice has grown significantly, consistently reinforcing Parrott’s arguments. See (in chronological order) Patrizio Barbieri, “Chiavette and Modal Transposition in Italian Practice (c1500–1837),” Recercare 3 (1991): 5–79; Jeffrey Kurtzman, “Tones, Modes, Clefs and Pitch in Roman Cyclic Magnificats of the 16th Century,” Early Music 22, no. 4 (1994): 641–64, rev. and reprinted in Kurtzman, Studies in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Italian Sacred Music (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2014), no. 5; Barbieri, “Corista, chiavette e intonazione nella prassi romana e veneto-bolognese del tardo Rinascimento,” in Ruggiero Giovannelli “musico eccellentissimo e forse il primo del suo tempo” (Palestrina: Centro di Studi Palestriniani, 1999), 433–57; Barbieri, in Grove Music Online, s.v. “Chiavette” (published 2001); Andrew Johnstone, “High Clefs in Composition and Performance,” Early Music 34, no. 1 (2006): 29–53; Kurtzman and Michael Proctor, “Cleffing, Ranges, and Transposition in Giovanni Croce’s Published Sacred Music Collections with Organ,” in Dal canto corale alla musica policorale: L’arte del “coro spezzato” ed. Lucia Boscolo Foleganna and Alessandra Ignesti (Padua: CLEUP, 2014), 233–58; Kurtzman, “Vocal Ranges, Cleffing and Transposition in the Sacred Music of Giulio Belli,” Barocco Padano e Musici Francescani: L’Apporto dei maestri conventuali; Proceedings of the XVI Convegno internazionale sul barocco padano (secoli XVII–XVIII) (Padova: Centro Studi Antoniani, 2014), 141-64; and Kurtzman, “Cleffing, Ranges, Pitch, and Sonority in the Vocal Music of Andrea and Giovanni Gabrieli,” in Giovanni Gabrieli: Transmission and Reception of a Venetian Musical Tradition, ed. Rodolfo Baroncini, David Bryant, Luigi Collarile (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2016), 107–34; preceding article also published in Musica Veneta—Studies 1 (2015).

^[69] Jeffrey G. Kurtzman, The Monteverdi Vespers of 1610: Music, Context, Performance (Oxford: Oxord University Press, 1999), 14, 44, quoting Donesmondi, Dell’istoria ecclesiastica, 2:409: “Favorì nell’entrare del presente anno M.DC.VII. il Pontefice Paolo, la Chiesa di Sant’Andrea in Mantova, per rispetto del pretiosissimo Sangue di Christo, d’indulgenze molto ragguardevoli duranti in perpetuo, ad instanza del Serenissimo; e fra l’altre, ne’giorni di Sant’Andrea, dell’Ascensione di Nostro Signore, e per la notte del venerdì santo, è plenaria.” “Nell entrare del presente anno” refers to the beginning of the year, not the entrance of the pope, as Kurtzman misread the text in 1999. The indulgences would have been authorized by the pope and announced through proclamation by the appropriate ecclesiastical official in Mantua.

^[70] GB-Lbl MS Additional 8455. The year 1607 begins on fol. 98r. The diary begins with Paul V’s election (May 1605) and extends through 1613.

^[72] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 361. For our discussion of Ave maris stella, see main text, par. 17.3–17.5.

^[76] Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 367. By translating pluribus as “more,” Bowers himself sets up the inconsistency he attributes to Monteverdi, two of whose psalms and one of whose Magnificats are also for six voices and therefore not for “more.”

^[79] Bowers, “Some Reflection upon Notation and Proportion in Monteverdi’s Mass and Vespers of 1610,” Music & Letters 73, no. 3 (1992): 347–98, at 391–95. See the exchange of correspondence between Kurtzman and Bowers in Music & Letters 74, no. 3 (1993): 487–95, and 75, no. 1 (1994): 145–54.

^[80] “Counting the semibreves in the Basssus Generalis and, as always in these calculations, disregarding the final unmeasured note (nominally inscribed as a breve), which is ultra mensuram.” Bowers, “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 361n134. Who decided (apart from Bowers) “as always in these calculations”?

^[81] Bowers obtains his 35 by ignoring the cadence semibreve of the first section, in addition to the final two semibreves of the Cantus part as well as the Cantus’s final note of the second section.

^[82] Editions that augment Monteverdi’s blackened notation to white notation, equivalent to the 3/2 notation elsewhere in the Sonata, are those of Clifford Bartlett, Antonio Delfino, Jerome Roche, Hendrik Schulze, and Uwe Wolf. Editions that maintain Monteverdi’s blackened notation are those of Jürgen Jürgens, Jeffrey Kurtzman, Gianfrancesco Malipiero, Paul McCreesh and Gottfried Wolters.

^[83] Key to recognizing the black notation and the diminution it indicates are trombone parts that have unmistakable blackened semibreves, which, as part of triplets, require that what look like semiminims are understood as blackened minims—blackening that only makes sense when applied to all rhythmic levels.

^[84] Lodovico Zacconi includes his discussion of triplets under the subheading “Di alcune stravaganze” in Prattica di musica (Venice: Girolamo Polo, 1592), fol. 42. All of his examples are from the fifteenth or very early sixteenth centuries.

^[85] Discussion of Monteverdi’s use of this notation in Orfeo is in Kurtzman, “Monteverdi and Sacred Music in his Cremona and Mantuan Years: Recent Research and Suggestions for the Future,” Philomusica on-line 17, no. 1 (2018): 77–115, at 90–92, http://dx.doi.org/10.13132/1826-9001/17.1981. A confirming Frescobaldi example is added to the discussion in Kurtzman, “Resolving the Controversies over the Monteverdi Vespers (1610),” Historical Performance 2 (2019): 91–160.