References

^[*]Elizabeth Weinfield (eweinfield@juilliard.edu) is a musicologist and gambist who teaches in the department of music history at The Juilliard School. Her research explores the relationships among gender, performance, race, and material culture in the early modern period. She holds a PhD in historical musicology from the Graduate Center, CUNY, and a Master’s in Music from the University of Oxford. Artistic director of the ensemble Sonnambula, recently ensemble-in-residence at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, she has designed site-specific and historically-informed concerts at museums around the country, including the National Gallery of Art, the Hispanic Society of America, the Detroit Institute of Arts, the Met Cloisters, and the Frick Collection. Her recording of the music of the seventeenth-century converso composer Leonora Duarte (Centaur Records) won the American Musicological Society’s Jewish Studies award in 2019; her forthcoming recording, Passing Fancy: Beauty in a Moment of Chaos, will be distributed in 2024.

^[1] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, December 27, 1648, no. 4903 in Briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens 1607–1687, published by the Huygens Instituut, Amsterdam, on December 2, 2022, http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/briefwisselingconstantijnhuygens. Constantijn Huygens’s correspondence is also published in Rudolf Rasch, ed., Driehonderd brieven over muziek van, aan en rond Constantijn Huygens (Hilversum: Verloren, 2007). I will refer to the online Briefwisseling throughout. Translations are my own unless otherwise indicated.

^[2] William Swann to Constantijn Huygens, July 13, 1648, Briefwisseling, no. 4839, trans. in Rudolf Rasch, “The Antwerp Duarte Family as Musical Patrons,” in Orlandus Lassus and His Time: Colloquium Proceedings, Antwerpen, 24–26.08.1994, ed. Ignace Bossuyt, Eugeen Schreurs, Annelies Wouters (Peer: Alamire, 1995), 415–29, at 415.

^[3] John Evelyn, “October 5, 1641,” in The Diary of John Evelyn, Esq., F.R.S., from 1641 to 1705–6: With Memoir, ed. William Bray (London: Frederick Warne, 1889), 35. Rudolph Rasch has also made use of this Evelyn quote. See Rasch, “The Antwerp Duarte Family,” 415.

^[4] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, November 21, 1640, Briefwisseling, no. 2581A (n0286).

^[5] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, January 9, 1641, Briefwisseling, no. 2606.

^[6] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, April 21, 1641, Briefwisseling, no. 2694.

^[7] Rasch, “Antwerp Duarte Family,” 420–21.

^[8] Gaspar Duarte (1584–1653) had six children with his wife, Catharina Rodrigues (1584–1644): Leonora (1610–78), Diego (1612–91), Catharina (1614–78), Gaspar (1616–85), Francisca (1619–78), and finally Isabella (1620–85). All but two are known to have sung and played instruments; only Leonora and Diego are known to have composed. Gaspar’s parents, Diego Duarte I (ca. 1544–1626) and Leonora Rodrigues (ca. 1565–1632), likely came to Antwerp from Lisbon shortly before 1571. See Timothy De Paepe, “Networking in High Society: The Duarte Family in Seventeenth-Century Antwerp,” (Antwerp: DIVA Antwerp Home of Diamonds / Provincie Antwerpen, 2016): 1–15, at 2–3, https://hdl.handle.net/10067/1386540151162165141.

^[9] Anonymous “Catalogue note” regarding Sotheby’s, Auction L13402 (June 5, 2013), Lot 406: autograph letter from Gaspar Duarte to Huygens, November 21, 1640,  https://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2013/music-continental-books-manuscripts/lot.406.html. Accessed June 15, 2022. This letter is the same as quoted above, from November 21, 1640, no. 2581A/n0286 in Briefwisseling.

^[10] Sotheby’s “Catalogue note.”

^[11] Marika Keblusek, “Merchants’ Homes and Collections as Cultural Entrepôts: The Case of Joachim de Wicquefort and Diego Duarte,” English Studies 92, no. 5 (2011): 496–507, at 505.

^[12] In addition to housing foreign voices, objects, and ideas, the Duarte home was also used to receive goods and letters from travelers. In 1663, for example, Huygens’ son, the scientist Christiaan Huygens, writes to his brother Constantijn Huygens, Jr., that he is having some clocks sent to the Duarte residence for safekeeping. See Christiaan Huygens to Constantijn Huygens, Jr., Paris, November 30, 1663, in Christiaan Huygens, Œuvres complètes, [ed. Davide Bierens de Haan], vol. 4, Correspondance 1662–1663 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1891), 451.

^[13] Cecil Roth, The Jews in the Renaissance (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1959), 208.

^[14] Keblusek, “Merchants’ Homes,” 498.

^[15] Rudolf Rasch, “The Messaus-Bull Codex London, British Library, Additional Manuscript 23.623,” Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 50 (1996): 93–127, at 106.

^[16] Lisa Jardine mentions that Mary Stuart visited the Duarte family but does not provide a source. See Lisa Jardine, Going Dutch: How England Plundered Holland’s Glory (New York: Harper Collins, 2008), 175.

^[17] Jardine, Going Dutch, 178.

^[18] Sara Mendelson, “Margaret Cavendish and the Jews,” in God and Nature in the Thought of Margaret Cavendish, ed. Brandie R. Siegfried and Lisa T. Sarasohn (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014), 171–84, at 182–83. For further discussion of Duarte’s friendship with Margaret Cavendish, see Chapter 12.

^[19] Mendelson, “Margaret Cavendish and the Jews,” 182.

^[20] Mark Netzloff, “The Ambassador’s Household: Sir Henry Wotton, Domesticity, and Diplomatic Writing,” in Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture, ed. Robyn Adams and Rosanna Cox (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 155–71.

^[21] Keblusek, “Merchants’ Homes,” 498.

^[22] Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Malden: Blackwell, 1991), 271.

^[23] Lefebvre, Production of Space, 10.

^[24] Timothy De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691): A Converso’s Experience in Seventeenth-Century Antwerp,” Jewish History 24, no. 2 (2010): 169–93, at 172.

^[25] Renée Levine Melammed, Heretics or Daughters of Israel? The Crypto-Jewish Women of Castile (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 5–6.

^[26] For comparison see Amy Brosius’s examination of how women in seventeenth-century Rome created spaces that encouraged business discussion between men who might not have otherwise associated with one another. Brosius writes, “Her veglie provided her admirers with a socially neutral environment where men of equal status could freely socialize and conduct business without repercussions to their honor.” Amy Brosius, “ ‘Il Suon, Lo Sguardo, Il Canto’: The Function of Portraits of Mid-Seventeenth-Century Virtuose in Rome,” Italian Studies 63, no. 1 (2008): 17–39, at 37.

^[27] Jardine, Going Dutch, 192–93.

^[28] Jardine, Going Dutch, 178–80.

^[29] Jardine, Going Dutch, 183.

^[30] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, January 9, 1641.

^[31] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, April 21, 1641.

^[32] Jardine, Going Dutch, 180–83.

^[33] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 173.

^[34] Jardine, Going Dutch, 177.

^[35] Jardine, Going Dutch, 177.

^[36] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 173. While registration as Catholics granted the Duartes access to networks that would have remained off-limits to them should they have chosen to live openly as Jews, the climate in England, where they had had a lot of success, was not great for Catholics either. Laws were enacted in 1643 that required Catholics “aged twenty-one or over to subscribe to an ‘oath of abjuration,’ which denied specific traditional Catholics beliefs.” If refused, one’s possessions and property could be confiscated. See Albert J. Loomie, “Oliver Cromwell’s Policy toward the English Catholics: The Appraisal by Diplomats, 1654–1658,” Catholic Historical Review 90, no. 1 (2004): 29–44, at 30.

^[37] Conversation with Timothy De Paepe, June 23, 2020.

^[38] Rasch, “Antwerp Duarte Family,” 420; Jardine, Going Dutch, 180–82.

^[39] The price was “more than three hundred times the annual wage of a simple craftsman.” De Paepe, “Networking in High Society,” 7.

^[40] The copy was sent via Joachim de Wicquefort. De Paepe, “Networking in High Society,” 7.

^[41] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, March 24, 1641, Briefwisseling, no. 2677: “Les Seigneurs Abbasadeurs [sic] d’Hollande l’ont veu à Londres et ausi donné avis à Son Altesse à cause du grand contentement qu’ils ont pris de voire une telle pièce. Car les quatre diamants joints ensemble font une parade d’un seul diamant de la Valeur d’un million de florins.”

^[42] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, November 21, 1640, Briefwisseling, n0286; Rasch, “Antwerp Duarte Family,” 420.

^[43] De Paepe, “Networking in High Society,” 7.

^[44] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, May 9, 1641, Briefwisseling, no. 2703.

^[45] Lisa Jardine, Temptation in the Archives: Essays in Golden Age Dutch Culture (London: UCL Press, 2015), 59.

^[46] Jardine, Temptation in the Archives, 59.

^[47] See Rudolf A. Rasch, “The ‘Konincklycke Fantasien’ Printed in Amsterdam in 1648: English Viol Consort Music in an Anglo-Spanish-Dutch Political Context,” in A Viola da Gamba Miscellany: Proceedings of the International Viola da Gamba Symposium, Utrecht 1991, ed. Johannes Boer and Guido van Oorschot (Utrecht: STIMU [Foundation for Historical Performance Practice], 1994), 55–73, at 67.

^[48] Gaspar Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, March 5, 1648, Briefwisseling, no. 4772.

^[49] Frank Hubbard, Three Centuries of Harpsichord Making (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965), 61–62.

^[50] Gaspar Duarte to Huygens, March 5, 1648, trans. in Hubbard, Three Centuries of Harpsichord Making, 62.

^[51] Hubbard, Three Centuries of Harpsichord Making, 57. Even though the top note is not mentioned, Frank Hubbard’s thorough study of Couchet’s keyboards indicates that it is likely to be f′′′.

^[52] Rudolf Rasch, “Het raadsel van Huygens’ laatste muzikale brief opgelost, of: Een protestants-katholiekjoodse driehoeksrelatie in de muziek,” Tijdschrift voor Oude Muziek 11 (1996): 12–16, at 14, 16n5.

^[53] Diego Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, January 9, 1684, Briefwisseling, no. 7213A (n0309). Rasch discusses a letter from Diego Duarte to Constantijn Huygens of January 23, 1673 (Briefwisseling, no. 6877), when Diego Duarte likely began the work. See Rasch, “Antwerp Duarte Family,” 423. Antoine Godeau’s Paraphrase des pseaumes de David (Paris: la veuve Jean Camusat and Pierre Le Petit, 1648) gives French translations in verse of all 150 psalms; new editions were published in 1649, 1654, and 1665. Several composers published musical settings of Godeau’s translations, the most popular being those of Thomas Gobert, which were published in several editions between 1659 and 1686.

^[54] Diego Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, January 9, 1684, Briefwisseling, no. 7213A (n0309).

^[55] Diego Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, January 6, 1687, Briefwisseling, no. 7249A (n0311). After signing off, Diego ends with this postscript: “The overview of the numbers of the psalms, as printed in the original book, is here written in the back, with the corresponding folio numbers indicated.” (Diego did not publish his psalm settings, and they are currently lost.)

^[56] Jardine, Going Dutch, 185.

^[57] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II,” 183.

^[58] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II,” 183.

^[59] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II,” 183.

^[60] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II,” 183.

^[61] Don Harrán, Salamone Rossi: Jewish Musician in Late Renaissance Mantua (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 203–8.

^[62] Roth, Jews in the Renaissance, 214.

^[63] For a discussion of cultural transmission and intellectual migration within early modern Jewish communities, see David B. Ruderman, Early Modern Jewry: A New Cultural History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 43–55.

^[64] Joshua R. Jacobson, “Defending Salamone Rossi: The Transformation and Justification of Jewish Music in Renaissance Italy,” in Yale University Institute of Sacred Music Colloquium: Music, Worship, Arts 5 (2008): 85–92.

^[65] Leon Modena, Foreword to Hashirim Asher Lishlomo, by Salamone Rossi (Venice: Bragadini, 1622), trans. in Jacobson, “Defending Salamone Rossi,” 86.

^[66] Jacobson, “Defending Salamone Rossi,” 86.

^[67] Undated letter, cited in translation in De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 180. De Paepe (190n61) writes that the full letter is transcribed in Elisabeth Keesing “De kinderen onderling: een hechte familetrouw,” in Leven en leren op Hofwijck, ed. Victor Freijser (Delft: Delftse Universitaire Pers, 1988), 78–79. See also Rasch, “Antwerp Duarte Family,”  422.

^[68] Ruth HaCohen, The Music Libel Against the Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), 126–78.

^[69] HaCohen, The Music Libel, 127.

^[70] Michael Marissen, Tainted Glory in Handel’s “Messiah”: The Unsettling History of the World’s Most Beloved Choral Work (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 29.

^[71] Emily Wilbourne, “Lo Schiavetto (1612): Travestied Sounds, Ethnic Performance, and the Eloquence of the Body,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 63 (2010): 1–43.

^[72] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 183; Diego Duarte to Constantijn Huygens, January 23, 1673, trans. in De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 183.

^[73] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 182.

^[74] Jorun Poettering, Migrating Merchants: Trade, Nation, and Religion in Seventeenth-Century Hamburg and Portugal, trans. Kenneth Kronenberg (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2019), 222–41.

^[75] Miriam Bodian, Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation: Conversos and Community in Early Modern Amsterdam (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 11.

^[76] Bodian, Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation, 11. Population records indicate that the Portuguese Nation in Antwerp in 1571 (around the time that the Duarte family’s ancestors likely arrived) comprised eighty-five families and seventeen individuals, reduced to forty-seven families and twenty widows in 1591. In 1666, thirty-eight men and twenty-seven women were counted. The Duartes and other conversos were not, however, considered in these tallies. Simon R. Schwarzfuchs, in Encyclopedia Judaica, ed. Fred Skolnik and Michael Berenbaum, 2nd ed. (Detroit: Thomson Gale, 2007), s.v. “Antwerp, Belgium.”

^[77] Bodian, Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation, 11–12.

^[78] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 180.

^[79] Bodian, Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation, 11–12. See also Jonathan I. Israel, European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism, 1550–1750, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), v. Israel argues that, despite disparate experiences and challenges undergone by the diverse Jewish communities in Europe, it is the common difficulties and influences affecting both Sephardi and Ashkenazi Jews alike that permit a study of European Jewry at large in the early modern period.

^[80] In this sense, the Duartes’ status as conversos reflected their lives as musicians, who, “in most, if not all, societies possess institutionally liminal status.” See Katherine Butler Brown, “The Social Liminality of Musicians: Case Studies from Mughal India and Beyond,” Twentieth-Century Music 3 (2007): 13–49, at 13.

^[81] Mass baptism occurred in 1497. See Miriam Bodian, “Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation: The Ambiguous Boundaries of Self-Definition,” Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society 15, no. 1 (2008): 66–80, at 67.

^[82] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 172.

^[83] On the membership of the Nation, see Haim F. Ghiuzeli, “The Jewish Community of Antwerp, Belgium,” Museum of the Jewish People (Beit Hatfutsot), accessed August 2, 2022, https://www.bh.org.il/jewish-community-antwerp-belgium/; on their exclusion from guilds, see Edgar Samuel, “Manuel Levy Duarte (1631–1714): An Amsterdam Merchant Jeweler and His Trade with London,” Transactions & Miscellanies (Jewish Historical Society of England) 27 (1978–80): 11–31, at 17–18.

^[84] Bodian, “Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation,” 71–2.

^[85] Bodian, “Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation,” 71.

^[86] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 172.

^[87] Bodian, “Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation,” 72.

^[88] Gaspar Duarte to Huygens, April 21, 1641, trans. in Jardine, Temptation in the Archives, 58.

^[89] Samuel, “Manuel Levy Duarte (1631–1714),” 12.

^[90] Only thirty-seven Jewish households were reported in the 1535 census. See Cecil Roth, A History of the Marranos, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1941), 253–54. For information on the importation of rabbis from Amsterdam to London in the seventeenth century, see Evelyn Oliel-Grausz, “A Study in Intercommunal Relations in the Sephardi Diaspora: London and Amsterdam in the Eighteenth Century,” in Dutch Jews as Perceived by Themselves and by Others: Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium on the History of the Jews in the Netherlands, ed. Chaya Brasz and Yosef Kaplan (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 41–58, at 42. Jacob Sasportas arrived in 1664, Joshua da Silva in 1670, and Jacob Abendana in 1681.

^[91] Ruderman, Early Modern Jewry, 24.

^[92] David Ruderman (Early Modern Jewry, 17) posits that “mobility, social mixing, loosening of rabbinic control, knowledge explosion, and mingled identities … suggest a blurring of what constitutes Jewish identity with a variety of new options for Jewish self-definition and for representing Jewish civilization in the non-Jewish world.”

^[93] Ruderman, Early Modern Jewry, 17.

^[94] Papers survive in NL-Asta (the Amsterdam City Archives): Archief van de Portugees-Israëlietische Gemeente [Archives of the Portuguese-Jewish Community], PA 334, 675–91. Also discussed in Samuel, “Manuel Levy Duarte (1631–1714),” 20–21, 25.

^[95] De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 176.

^[96] Samuel, “Manuel Levy Duarte (1631–1714),” 21.

^[97] Samuel, “Manuel Levy Duarte (1631–1714),” 20.

^[98] Samuel, “Manuel Levy Duarte (1631–1714),” 19.

^[99] Samuel, “Manuel Levy Duarte (1631–1714),” 25.

^[100] Donatella Calabi and Derek Keene, “Merchants’ Lodgings and Cultural Exchange,” in Cultural Exchange in Early Modern Europe, vol. 2: Cities and Cultural Exchange in Europe, 1400–1700, ed. Donatella Calabi and Stephen Turk Christiansen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 315–48, at 324.

^[101] Timothy De Paepe, email correspondence with the author, July 9, 2022.

^[102] NL-Asta, Archief van de Portugees-Israëlietische Gemeente, PA 334. This was not, however, Levy Duarte’s only harpsichord. His larger instrument was placed in his main room, overlooking the street: “In the room looking out over the street which was numbered [as room] n° 1 / A harpsichord being a tailpiece [i.e., a traditional harpsichord].” Translations by Timothy De Paepe, email correspondence with the author, July 9, 2022.

^[103] NL-Asta, Archief van de Portugees-Israëlietische Gemeente, PA 334, 675–91.

^[104] Reprinted as appendix 3 in Edgar Samuel, “The Disposal of Diego Duarte’s Stock of Paintings, 1692–1697),” Jaarboek van het Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten (1976): 319–20. My translation.

^[105] See De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 178; and Samuel, “Diego Duarte’s Stock of Paintings,” 320.

^[106] De Paepe has discovered some of Diego’s accounting books to contain letters in Portuguese. See De Paepe, “Diego Duarte II (1612–1691),” 175, fig. 2.

^[107] Samuel, “Manuel Levy Duarte (1631–1714),” 21.

^[108] Mendelson, “Margaret Cavendish and the Jews,” 182.

^[109] Timothy De Paepe, “Networking in High Society,” 7.

^[110] Edmund De Waal, The Hare with Amber Eyes: A Family’s Century of Art and Loss (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2010), 112–14.

^[111] De Waal, The Hare with Amber Eyes, 112.

^[112] Michael Tilmouth, “Music on the Travels of an English Merchant: Robert Bargrave (1628–61),” Music and Letters 53 (1972): 143–59, at 147.

^[113] Robert Bargrave, “A Relation of Sundry Voyages and Journeys Made by Mee Robert Bargrave,” GB-Ob MS Rawlinson C.799, fol. 7, quoted in Tilmouth, “Robert Bargrave,” 146.

^[114] Tilmouth, “Robert Bargrave,” 144.

^[115] Bargrave, “A Relation of Sundry Voyages,” fol. 79, quoted in Tilmouth, “Robert Bargrave,” 154. The sentiment recalls the meal that had ended John Evelyn’s visit to the Duarte home in 1641, before he reluctantly “tooke leave of the Ladys and of sweete Antwerp, as late as it was, embarquing for Bruxelles on the Scheld.” See Evelyn, Diary, 35.

^[116] News of his death was widely reported and was even commemorated in a play by Daniel Levi de Barrios, which circulated in the Amsterdam Jewish community, Contra la verdad no hay fuerza. See Daniel Swetschinski, “The Portuguese Jews of Seventeenth-Century Amsterdam: Cultural Continuity and Adaptation,” in Essays in Modern Jewish History, ed. Frances Malino and Phyllis Cohen Albert (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1982), 56–80, at 64–65.

^[117] Jewish identity, however, had negative associations, especially after 1800. See Hannah Lotte Lund, “Prussians, Jews, Egyptians?: Berlin Salonières around 1800 and Their Guests; Discursive Constructions of Equality and Otherness,” in Orientalism, Gender, and the Jews: Literary and Artistic Transformations of European National Discourses, ed. Ulrike Brunotte, Anna-Dorothea Ludewig, and Axel Stähler (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2015), 33–62, at 36–37.

^[118] Michael Brenner, The Renaissance of Jewish Culture in Weimar Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 20–21.