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References

^[*] Arne Spohr (aspohr@bgsu.edu), PhD, Hochschule für Musik Köln, is Associate Professor of Musicology at Bowling Green State University, where he also directs the BGSU Early Music Ensemble. His research has focused on music in Germany, Britain, and Scandinavia between 1550 and 1750, particularly on cultural exchange in the field of instrumental ensemble music, and the intersections of sound, architectural space, and visual media in early modern court culture. He is currently completing a monograph on Concealed Music in Early Modern Pleasure Houses for Indiana University Press. Spohr’s research also explores the role of race and social status in the lives of Black court musicians in early modern Germany. His article “ ‘Mohr und Trompeter’: Blackness and Social Status in Early Modern Germany” appeared in the Fall 2019 issue of the Journal of the American Musicological Society.

^[1] For an English translation, see A Heinrich Schütz Reader: Letters and Documents in Translation, ed. Gregory S. Johnston (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 106. By “Germany” I mean the German-speaking territories within the Holy Roman Empire.

^[2] Ludwig Finscher, in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed., s.v. “Germany, Federal Republic of,” section I, 2, p. 715.

^[3] Richard Taruskin and Christopher H. Gibbs, The Oxford History of Western Music, College Edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 279–81.

^[4] For different economic conditions in areas of the Holy Roman Empire during the war, see Peter H. Wilson, The Thirty Years War: Europe’s Tragedy (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009), 798–801.

^[5] See, for instance, Gina Spagnoli, “Dresden at the Time of Heinrich Schütz,” in The Early Baroque Era: From the Late 16th Century to the 1660s, ed. Curtis Price (Englewood Ciffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1993), 165–66.

^[6] See Astrid Laakmann, ‘… nur allein aus Liebe der Musica’ – Die Bückeburger Hofmusik zur Zeit des Grafen Ernst III. zu Holstein-Schaumburg als Beispiel höfischer Musikpflege im Gebiet der Weserrenaissance (Münster: Lit, 2000), and Hildegard Tiggemann, “Hofmusik in Bückeburg,” in Schaumburg und die Welt: Zu Schaumburgs auswärtigen Beziehungen in der Geschichte, ed. Hubert Höing (Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 2002), 13–61.

^[8] On Hamburg’s political situation during the Thirty Years War, see, for instance, Hans-Dieter Loose, “Das Zeitalter der Bürgerunruhen und der großen europäischen Kriege 1618–1712,” in Hamburg: Geschichte der Stadt und ihrer Bewohner, vol. 1, ed. Werner Jochmann and Hans-Dieter Loose (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1982), 288–99. On Hamburg as a center of musical patronage and publication during the war, see, for instance, Arne Spohr, ‘How chances it they travel?’: Englische Musiker in Norddeutschland und Dänemark (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009), 229, 266–72, 342–49. Joanna Hunt’s article in the present collection also touches on this topic.

^[9] On William Brade’s biography, see Spohr, Englische Musiker, 48–80, and Spohr, “Networking, Patronage and Professionalism in the Early History of Violin Playing: The Case of William Brade (c. 1560–1630),” in Networks of Music and Culture in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries: A Collection of Essays in Celebration of Peter Philips’s 450th Anniversary, ed. David J. Smith and Rachelle Taylor (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013; reissued by Routledge, 2016), 203–14. The present article draws and expands on research on William, Christian, and Steffen Brade that I first presented in my German-language monograph Englische Musiker (cited in n. 8 above). German sources frequently name William Brade as “Wilhelm Brade Engelländer,” and he consistently uses this Germanized form. At present, very little is known about William Brade’s place of origin and professional training; both contextual evidence and his name suggest the possibility that he came from northern England or Scotland. The name “Brade,” apparently a variant of the more common “Brady” and “Braid,” occurred especially in Lancashire and Scotland during the sixteenth century, although it can also be traced in Norfolk during that time. The fact that there were especially close political and cultural ties between Scotland and Denmark when Brade was first hired at the Danish court in 1594 (following the royal Danish-Scottish wedding in 1589–90 and the birth and baptism of the Scottish heir Henry in the very same year of Brade’s appointment) suggests that these ties might have motivated Brade’s migration to Denmark. The term “Engländer” occurring in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century German sources does not denote nationality in a modern sense; even musicians who were Scottish or Irish were labeled “Engländer,” such as the Scottish viol player Tobias Hume. See Englische Musiker, 51–56, 58; on Hume specifically, see 241–42. In this article, the term “English” is used for those musicians whose place of birth is either known to be located in England or, to date, unknown, but who are termed “English” in contemporary German sources (even though this term is apparently imprecise). The term “British” is used whenever I broadly refer to musicians from the British Isles (including Scotland and Ireland).

^[10] On Christian’s and Steffen’s biographies, see Englische Musiker, 80–84.

^[11] For a comprehensive study of Anglo-German musical relations ca. 1600, see Werner Braun, Britannia abundans: Deutsch-Englische Musikbeziehungen zur Sharespearezeit (Tutzing: Schneider, 1977), and Spohr, Englische Musiker.

^[12] Werner Braun, in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2nd ed., Personenteil, s.v. “Brade, William,” col. 619.

^[13] They are found in two separate prints, the broadsheet print Epicedia in obitum beatum D. Wilhelmi Braden (Hamburg: Jacob Rebenlein, 1630), containing two poems, and Memoriae Viri optimi & integerrimi Guilelmi Brade (Hamburg: Jacob Rebenlein, 1630), containing six poems. D-Hcb S/280, Bd. O.

^[14] Kurt Stephenson, rev. Peter Holman, in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed., s.v. “Brade, William,” 175.

^[15] MS, S-Uu Instr. mus. i hs. 1:10, digitized as http://www2.musik.uu.se/duben/presentationSource1.php?Select_Dnr=2081. For a practical performing edition, see William Brade, Choral mit Variationen für Violine und Basso continuo, ed. Bernard Thomas (Wien: Doblinger, 1999). Brian Brooks argues that “it is not possible to confirm the attribution in the copy that dates from nearly 40 years after Brade’s death,” but he does not give a convincing reason why the attribution of the piece should be considered doubtful. See Brooks, “Étienne Nau, Breslau 114 and the Early 17th-Century Solo Violin Fantasia,” Early Music 32, no. 1 (2004): 72. See also Brooks, “The Emergence of the Violin as a Solo Instrument in Early Seventeenth-Century Germany” (PhD diss., Cornell University, 2002), 230–37. The “Coral” could have been transmitted to Sweden by William Brade’s son Steffen. A recording of the “Coral,” performed by Annegret Siedel, Baroque violin, and Barbara Maria Willi, organ, is available on Johann Schop und seine Zeit/and His Contemporaries, Musicaphon M56830, [2000], compact disc; released on YouTube by Naxos of America in 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VmoMh9vDON0.

^[16] See, for instance, Greta Moens-Haenen, Deutsche Violintechnik im 17. Jahrhundert: Ein Handbuch zur Aufführungspraxis (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 2006), 16.

^[17] Peter Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers: The Violin at the English Court 1540–1690 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993; most recent reissue 2002), 168.

^[18] On the history of court music institutions in early modern Germany, see Erich Reimer’s foundational study Hofmusik in Deutschland 1500–1800 (Wilhelmshaven: Noetzel, 1991).

^[19] Louis Schneider, Geschichte der Oper und des königlichen Opernhauses in Berlin (Berlin: Duncker und Humblot, 1852), 14: “sich die … Instrumentisten … auf allen Instrumenten, es sein blasende oder andere, keine ausgeschlossen, … bey vormeidung Ihrer Churf. Gnaden ernsten straffe … gebrauchen lassen sollen.” All translations are my own, unless otherwise noted.

^[20] Spohr, Englische Musiker, 157–58, 211-25, and Spohr, “Networking,” 207–9. For another perspective on the Danish Hofkapelle, see Keith Polk’s article in this collection, par. 3.2.

^[21] On Italian string and wind players at the Saxon court during the second half of the sixteenth century, see, for instance, Moritz Fürstenau, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Königlich-Sächsischen musikalischen Kapelle (Dresden: Meser, 1849), 24–26; Reimer, Hofmusik, 71–72; Helen Watanabe-O’Kelly, Court Culture in Dresden: From Renaissance to Baroque (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), 38–40; Spohr, Englische Musiker, 42. On cultural and dynastic relations between Denmark and Saxony, see Claudia Brink and Jutta Kappel, Mit Fortuna übers Meer: Sachsen und Dänemark, Ehen und Allianzen im Spiegel der Kunst (1548–1709) (Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2009).

^[22] List in Table 2 is based on Angul Hammerich, Musiken ved Christian den Fjerdes Hof (Copenhagen: Wilhelm Hansen, 1892), 208–23. These payments include in most cases allowances (“Kostpenge”) for board and livery; see Hammerich. Regarding the payment of John Dowland, Peter Hauge has noted that “Dowland did not receive any special payment towards board and livery as other instrumentalists and singers did, but was to receive a total amount for his sustenance—a specification applied to no other musician or singer employed at court. Dowland had to pay for these expenses out of his own pocket, so between 74 and 120 daler should be deducted from his income when comparing it with that of the other musicians; thus Dowland’s basic wage would be around 380 daler.” See Peter Hauge, “Dowland and His Time in Copenhagen, 1598–1606,” Early Music 41, no. 2 (2013): 190.

^[23] Gottlieb Krause, ed., Tagebuch Christians des Jüngeren, Fürst zu Anhalt (Leipzig: Dyk, 1858), 98.

^[24] Landesarchiv Schleswig-Holstein, Abt. 7, Nr. 74; see also Spohr, Englische Musiker, 386–87. The passage in Wensin’s letter reads in context: “Endtlich seÿn J.K.M. zuo waßer widerumb nach derho garthen undt kunnichl. lusthauße gefharen, daselbst taffell gehalten, undt nhiemandts mher, dhan deroselben Canzler Crÿstian Frieße, der hoffmarschalck, undt meÿne pershon darzuo erfordert worden. aber ganz liebblich erstmaln auf eÿnher Irlandischen harffen midt meßingst seÿden bezogen, dan durch Willhelmb Brahe undt seÿner schöne gesampten music, und herrlich durch achte Vhiolen instrumentalisch alleÿn villmalß musiciren laßen.” (“Finally, His Royal Majesty traveled by boat again to his garden and royal pleasure house [Rosenborg Castle], had dinner there, and nobody else but his chancellor Christian Friis, the Court Marshal, and my own person were invited to this occasion; but first, he had music very pleasantly performed on a wire-strung Irish harp, then he had Wilhelm Brade and his lovely whole ensemble perform, and [also] several times marvelously, with instruments alone, on eight Violen.”)

^[25] As Peter Holman suggested in personal communication, the scoring in Brade’s violin band may have been 3-1-1-1-2, presuming the group played five-part repertoire. On early string orchestras, see John Spitzer and Neil Zaslaw, The Birth of the Orchestra: History of an Institution, 1650–1815 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 37–69.

^[26] Ernst Hermann Meyer, in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1st ed., s.v. “Brade, William,” col. 178.

^[27] Spohr, Englische Musiker, 58, 75–76, 382, 384–85. Brade’s salary in Güstrow is impressive even when one considers that it likely included his two sons Christian and Steffen.

^[28] On the Danish court as a cultural model for courts in Protestant Germany, see Mara R. Wade’s groundbreaking study Triumphus Nuptialis Danicus: German Court Culture and Denmark; The “Great Wedding” of 1634 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996).

^[29] The singer Gregor Trehou was Kapellmeister at the Danish court from 1590 to 1611; his successor was, after a seven-year vacancy, the organist Melchior Borchgrevinck, who held the post from 1618 to 1632; see Hammerich, Musiken, 96, 209, 218.

^[30] On Brade’s “Meuterei” (“mutiny”) in Bückeburg, see Spohr, Englische Musiker, 62–72, 382–83.

^[31] As Ratsmusiker, Brade received an annual salary of 56 Hamburg Mark, which was the equivalent of about 18.7 Reichstaler. However, this salary (significantly lower than what he had previously received in Bückeburg) was amplified by the town musicians’ frequent performances at church services and civic weddings. For the town musicians’ payment by the city’s main churches in the eighteenth century, see Jürgen Neubacher, Georg Philipp Telemanns Hamburger Kirchenmusik und ihre Aufführungsbedingungen (1721–1767) (Hildesheim: Olms, 2009), 93–94, 148–51.

^[33] “[D]aß Er ohne unseren gnedigen furwißen und befehligh nicht von hoffe vorreis[en] noch sich in andere dienstbestallung einlaßen solle.” See Spohr, Englische Musiker, 384.

^[34] This passage is taken from the second (anonymous) poem in Epicedia in obitum beatum (cited in n. 13). It reads in the Latin original: “Lumen eram vivus, ducibus lis.… Causa quietis eram, causaq; litis eram. Nemo non voluit Mecaenas esse Maronem.”

^[36] Philibert Jambe de Fer observed in his theoretical work Épitome musical (1556) in regard to professional violin players that “few persons are found who make use of [the instrument] other than those who, by their labour on it, make their living.” Quoted by Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers, 3. According to Holman, however, “the class distinction between viol-players and violinists, established early on the continent, only emerged in England in the late sixteenth century, when the viol began to be taken up by gentleman amateurs just as the violin was filtering down to the humbler sort of professional musician” (Holman, 143).

^[37] Paul Zimmermann, “Englische Komödianten am Hofe zu Wolfenbüttel,” Braunschweigisches Magazin 8 (1902): 37–45, 53–57.

^[38] This passage is taken from the first poem (by David Cramer) in Epicedia in obitum beatum (cited in n. 13). It reads in the Latin original: “Arte praeclara celebris potitus exitu vitae est miserae beato.”

^[39] As suggested by the inclusion of eight of Brade’s five-part settings of English masque dances, Newe außerlesene liebliche Branden … (1617), in Georg Engelhard Loehneyssen’s treatise on hippology and court festivals, Della Cavalleria (3rd ed., 1624), Brade’s music was used in court festivals, specifically in tournament pageants in Protestant Germany during the 1610s. See Arne Spohr, “English Masque Dances as Tournament Music? The Case of William Brade’s Newe außerlesene liebliche Branden, Intraden, Mascharaden (Hamburg, Lübeck, 1617),” in The Palatine Wedding of 1613: Protestant Alliance and Court Festival, ed. Sara Smart and Mara R. Wade (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2013), 545–65.

^[40] On Rowe, see Curt Sachs, Musik und Oper am kurbrandenburgischen Hof (Berlin: Julius Bard, 1910; reprint Hildesheim: Olms, 1977), especially 14, 47–48, 151. On Simpson and the Englische Music in Bückeburg, see n. 48 below.

^[41] Sigrid Wirth, ‘Weil es ein Zierlich vnd lieblich ja Nobilitirt Instrument ist’: Der Resonanzraum der Laute und musikalische Repräsentation am Wolfenbütteler Herzogshof 1580–1625 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2017), 175, 192, 222–29. The quotation (paraphrasing Wirth) is taken from Alex Fisher’s review of Wirth’s book, in Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 25, no. 1 (2019), https://sscm-jscm.org/jscm-issues/volume-25-no-1/fisher-review/. On Dowland as a spy at the Danish court, see Peter Hauge, “Dowland in Denmark 1598–1606: A Rediscovered Document,” The Lute 41 (2001): 1–27.

^[42] I discussed these texts as sources for Christian and Steffen Brade’s biographies for the first time in 2009, in Englische Musiker.

^[43] Martin Opitz, “Auff Steffen Bradens vnd Frawen Elisabethen Rennin Hochzeit,” in Martini Opitii Deutscher Poematum Ander Theil (Danzig: Hünefeldt, 1641), 712–13. Digitized by D-B, http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB0000BF8800000000. See also Spohr, Englische Musiker, 400.

^[44] Simon Dach, Tugend=Gebühr Welche Dem Weiland WolEdlen Vesten vnd Mannhafften Hn. Stephan Braden, Churfürstl. Preussischen wolbestallten Majorn in dero Vestung Pillaw etc. Welcher 1649, 28. Mey sanfft und selig in der Pillaw eingeschlaffen und daselbst 22. Hewmon. selbigen Jahres ansehnlich zur Erden bestattet worden (Königsberg: Johann Reusner, 1649). Digitized by Deutsches Textarchiv, http://www.deutschestextarchiv.de/book/show/635375818. See also Spohr, Englische Musiker, 400–2.

^[45] Jacob Fabricius den Yngres Optegnelser, ed. Anders Andersen (Copenhagen: Danske Boghandleres Kommt. Anst. i. komm., 1964).

^[46] On William Brade and his sons in Güstrow and Berlin, see Spohr, Englische Musiker, 75–77, 384–86.

^[47] The Cimbri were an ancient Germanic or Celtic tribe associated with the Jutland Peninsula.

^[48] On John Price’s chamber ensemble in Stuttgart, see Gustav Bossert, “Die Hofkapelle unter Johann Friedrich, 1608–28,” Württembergische Vierteljahrshefte für Landesgeschichte, NF 20 (1911): 191, and Moritz Fürstenau, Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters am Hofe zu Dresden, vol. 1 (Dresden: Kuntze, 1861), 73–75. On the Englische Music in Bückeburg, see Laakmann, Die Bückeburger Hofmusik, 63, 80, 189, 294, 312–15, and Spohr, Englische Musiker, 165–71. On the British ensemble at the Danish court, see n. 50 below.

^[50] A similar ensemble associated with the Danish court, consisting of a melody instrument—a flute instead of a violin—two plucked instruments (Irish harp and lute), and viola da gamba as a bass instrument, is shown in a painting by Danish court painter Reinhold Thim dating from ca. 1622 (Copenhagen, Musikhistorisk Museum & The Carl Claudius Collection, Inv. No. 122); reproduced in Arne Spohr, “ ‘This Charming Invention Created by the King’: Christian IV and His Invisible Music,” The Danish Yearbook of Musicology 39 (2012): 23, http://www.dym.dk/dym_pdf_files/volume_39/volume_39_013_033.pdf, and on Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ (the latter in full color). It has been suggested that the painting represents an ensemble of British musicians who were employed at the Danish court in the early 1620s: the harpist Darby Scott, a musician from Ireland or Scotland; the viola da gamba player Thomas Simpson; and the lutenist Christian Brade (who had traveled to England in 1621 and had likely recruited the harpist); see Peter Holman, “The Harp in Stuart England: New Light on William Lawes’s Harp Consort,” Early Music 15 no. 2 (1987): 192, and Spohr, Englische Musiker, 78, 173–74. On the possible function of this painting as a “visual emblem” representing the “concealed music” of Christian IV (i.e., court musicians who performed, concealed from the listener, in a basement room of Rosenborg Castle), see Arne Spohr, “ ‘This Charming Invention Created by the King’: Christian IV and His Concealed Music,” in Visual Acuity and the Arts of Communication in Early Modern Germany, ed. Jeffrey Chipps Smith (Ashgate: Farnham, 2014), 173.

^[51] For this and the following biographical information on William Brade and his sons, see Spohr, Englische Musiker, 79–89, 387–95.

^[55] Spohr, Englische Musiker, 34, 36, 66, and Peter Holman, in A Biographical Dictionary of English Court Musicians, comp. Andrew Ashbee and David Lasocki (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), s.v. “Webster, Maurice,” 1136–37. Further research in British archives will likely uncover further insights into how expatriate musicians maintained connections to their families, colleagues, and patrons in Britain.

^[56]Sachs, Musik und Oper, 151, 216, and Spohr, Englische Musiker, 412–13.

^[58] On Price in Suttgart, see Bossert, “Hofkapelle,” 191; on Price in Dresden, see Wolfram Steude, “Engländer in der Dresdner Hofkapelle,” in Jahrbuch 2002: Ständige Konferenz Mitteldeutsche Barockmusik in Sachsen, Sachsen-Anhalt und Thüringen e.V., ed. Peter Wollny (Schneverdingen: Wagner, 2004), 240–41, and Fürstenau, Zur Geschichte der Musik, 74–75; on Price in Vienna, see Ludwig von Köchel, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 1543 bis 1867 (Wien: Becksche Universitäts-Buchhandlung, 1869), 61.

^[59] Fabricius, Optegnelser, 220–21: “O [Duke Friedrich III of Holstein-Gottorf]: Ich höre, der Administrator selbst soll ihn sehr commendiret haben, da er nicht ferne davon gestanden und alles selber angehöret, und gesagt, er hette manchen lautenisten gehöret, aber seines gleichen nit; einen hette er gehöret, der mochte ihm gleich sein, aber hette nicht, der ihm überginge.… Podewils: Zu Wolfenbüttel hat man auch einen trefflichen lautenisten, den man so hoch helt, als habe er seines gleichen nit. Demselben hat dieser Christian die laute praesentiret, aber er hat nit dran wollen, confessus hoc ipso Christianum esse longe superiorem.” (“I hear that the Administrator [Christian Wilhelm of Brandenburg] praised him very highly when he [Christian Brade] was standing not far away and could hear everything. [The Administrator] said that he had heard many lutenists; there was one among them who may have been his equal, but there was none who excelled him.… [Dionysius Podewils, official at the Gottorf court]: At Wolfenbüttel they also have an excellent lutenist, whom they esteem so highly as if nobody was his equal. To him, Christian presented his lute, but he refused to play, confessing that Christian was by far superior to himself.”) See also Spohr, Englische Musiker, 390. On Gottschalck’s employment in Wolfenbüttel, see Wirth, Resonanzraum der Laute, 151–53.

^[60] Wilibald Gurlitt, “Ein Beitrag zur Biographie des Lautenisten Esajas Reusner,” Sammelbände der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft 14, no. 1 (1912): 50.

^[61] Wirth, Resonanzraum der Laute, 199–200. On Stanley in Kassel, see Christiane Engelbrecht, Die Kasseler Hofkapelle im 17. Jahrhundert und ihre anonymen Musikhandschriften aus der Kasseler Landesbibliothek (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1958), 30.

^[62] On the profession and social status of valets de chambre in the context of courtly society, see, for instance, Hermann Kellenbenz, “Der Kammerdiener, ein Typus der höfischen Gesellschaft: Seine Rolle als Unternehmer,” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 72, no. 4 (1985): 476–507.

^[63] Berlin, Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, HA I Rep. 36, Nr. 284: “… daneben soll ehr auch schuldigk sein, unnß eihnsmahls und so ofte wir es begehren würden mit der lauten aufzuwarten …” See also Spohr, Englische Musiker, 394.

^[64] Fabricius, Optegnelser, 220: “Podewils: Es hat mir vor diesem Christian (filius Wilhelmi Brahe), der lautenist, gesaget, er wolte, das er sein leben keine laute hette in die handt genommen, wen er nicht, wo er um die 30 jahr alt were, so viel für sich gewonnen hette, das er konte fein frei davon leben und nur der lauten zu plaisier unnd nicht zur noth gebrauchen, und rechnets uf ein 30 000 rthl., die er müste alsden für sich haben.” See also Spohr, Englische Musiker, 390.

^[65] MS, DK-Kk Thott 1941 4º, 67: “Le repos est plus doux apres vn long mal-aise. Most sweet is rest after a long travelle. Sehr süse ist ruhe nach ein lange arbeit. Dieß habe ich meinen herz vor truwten freunde und brudern ineingeschrieben meiner da bÿ zu gedencken alß seinen deiner [sic]. (“This I wrote for my close friend and brother, to remember me as his servant Steffen Brade.”) A paris ce 23 de Juillet 1630.” For a reproduction, see Arne Spohr, “ ‘Mit Seiten-Kunst zur Fürsten-Gunst’: Strategien beruflicher Karriere bei den englisch-deutschen Musikern William, Christian und Steffen Brade,” Wolfenbütteler Barock-Nachrichten 35 (2008): 117.

^[67] On Hume, see Michael Rossi, “ ‘Musicall Humours’: The Life and Music of Captain Tobias Hume, Gentleman,” in Defining Strains: The Musical Life of Scots in the Seventeenth Century, ed. James Porter (Oxford, Bern: Peter Lang, 2007), 155–80.

^[70] “Dir hab ich für fünff Jahren / Diß Lied schon zugesagt /Als wir zu Felde waren …” (“Five years ago, I promised you this poem, when we both were in a military camp …”)

^[71] Hermann Palm, Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Literatur des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts (Breslau: Morgenstern, 1877), 146.

^[72] Dach gives only the name “Wrangel.” This name could refer either to Hermann Wrangel (1584/87–1643) or to his son Carl Gustav Wrangel (1613–76).

^[73] On Du Verge see Bogislaus von Chemnitz, Königlichen Schwedischen Jn Teutschland geführten Kriegs Ander Theil (Stockholm: Janssonius, 1653), 274–75.

^[74] Bruno Roeßel, Geschichte des Grenadier-Regiments König Friedrich II, vol. 1 (Berlin: Mittler, 1901).