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^[*] Naomi Joy Barker (naomi.barker@open.ac.uk) is a Lecturer in music at the Open University. She works on seventeenth-century Italian music and the social and cultural environments in which it was created and performed. Music, medicine, and religion at the Ospedale di Santo Spirito in Sassia, Rome, is the focus of her current research. Her publications include articles in the Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle, The Seventeenth Century, and Early Music, and several book chapters.

^[1] Available in a facsimile edition: Primo e secondo libro d’arie musicali, Archivum musicum: La cantata barocca 10 (Florence: Landini, 1630; reprint, Florence: Studio per edizioni scelte, 1982). We are concerned here especially with volume 1: Primo libro d’arie musicali per cantarsi nel gravicembalo, e tiorba: a una, a due, e a tre voci (Florence: Landini, 1630). Photographic reproductions below come from I-Fn Musica Antica 25.

^[2] Frederick Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), 77–78. An updated and expanded version of this book is now available online: Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi: An Extended Biography (self-pub., 2019), http://girolamofrescobaldi.com/, par. 9.69 and 9.73.

^[3] Domenico Anglesi, Libro primo d’arie musicali per cantarsi nel gravicimbalo e tiorba: a voce sola (Florence: Giovanni Battista Landini, 1635). Reproduced online at http://www.bibliotecamusica.it/cmbm/viewschedatwbca.asp?path=/cmbm/images/ripro/gaspari/_V/V079/. Michael Maier’s Atalanta fugiens is a somewhat different type of publication as it is essentially an alchemical emblem book with musical embellishment in the form of fugues. Michael Maier, Atalanta fugiens: hoc est, Emblemata nova de secretis naturae chymica (Oppenheim: Bry, 1617; reprint, Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1964).

^[4] William V. Porter, “Northwestern University’s Seventeenth-Century Manuscript of Roman Cantatas,” in A Compendium of American Musicology: Essays in Honor of John F. Ohl, ed. Enrique Alberto Arias et al. (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2001), 92–121. See also Nigel Fortune, “A Florentine Manuscript and Its Place in Italian Song,” Acta musicologica 23, no. 4 (1951–52): 124–36; and Nigel Fortune and Tim Carter, in Grove Music Online, s.v. “Anglesi, Domenico,” published 2001.

^[5] Elena Ferrari Barassi, “Il dramma in musica e Frescobaldi: Problemi storico-critici,” in Girolamo Frescobaldi nel IV centenario della nascita: Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Ferrara, 9–14 settembre 1983), ed. Sergio Durante and Dinko Fabris (Florence: Leo S Olschki, 1986), 261–81.

^[6] John Walter Hill, “Frescobaldi’s Arie and the Musical Circle around Cardinal Montalto,” in Frescobaldi Studies, ed. Alexander Silbiger (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1987), 157–94.

^[7] Ferrari Barassi, 268–72. See also Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi: An Extended Biography, par. 17.18–21.

^[8] For a detailed discussion of text types in the context of other, similar volumes, see Paolo Fabbri, Angelo Pompilio, and Antonio Vassalli, “Frescobaldi e le raccolte con composizioni a voce sola del primo Seicento,” in Girolamo Frescobaldi nel IV centenario, ed.Durante and Fabris, 233–60.

^[9] Janie Cole, A Muse of Music in Early Baroque Florence: The Poetry of Michelangelo Buonarroti il Giovane (Florence: Olschki, 2007). Frescobaldi set “Soffrir non posso” (Arie, vol. 2), no. 64 in Cole’s catalog of Buonarroti’s poems (p. 223).

^[10] Tim Carter, “Music Publishing in Italy, c. 1580–c. 1625: Some Preliminary Observations,” Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 20 (1986–87): 22.

^[11] Tim Carter, “Music-Printing in Late Sixteenth- and Early Seventeenth-Century Florence: Giorgio Marescotti, Cristofano Marescotti and Zanobi Pignoni,” Early Music History 9 (1990): 27–72. The Florentine printers could not compete with the Venetians for various complex economic reasons and produced books where the costs were met by either the patron or the author (or composer).

^[12] Galileo Galilei, Dialogo sopra i due massimi sistemi del mondo (Florence: Landini, 1632). There are numerous modern editions and translations.

^[13] Andrea Cavalcanti, Esequie del serenissimo principe Francesco celebrate in Fiorenza dal serenissimo Ferdinando II. granduca di Toscana suo fratello (Florence: Landini, 1634), available on Google Books, https://books.google.com/books?id=jFqlZL9haxYC. At least one of the plates in this volume bears the signature of the famous Stefano Della Bella, suggesting he may also have designed the emblems.

^[14] Niccolò Arrighetti, Orazione recitata al serenissimo granduca di Toscana Ferdinando II, nelle esequie della granduchessa sua madre la serenissima Maria Maddalena arciduchessa d’Austria (Florence: Landini, 1631), available at https://books.google.com/books?id=VJ95EtJB514C.

^[15] Alexander Silbiger, “Frescobaldi’s Two Books of Toccatas (1637): Student Exercises or Monuments of Art?,” in The Worlds of Harpsichord and Organ: Liber amicorum David Fuller, ed. Bruce L. Gustafson (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon Press, in press), section 6.

^[16] “Chi questa Bergamasca sonarà non pocho imparerà.” Frescobaldi’s relationship to the so-called “artificioso” tradition is discussed in Sergio Durante, “On Artificioso Compositions at the Time of Frescobaldi,” in Frescobaldi Studies, ed. Silbiger, 195–217.

^[17] The marchese Roberto Obizzi served the grand duke of Tuscany as Master of the Horse (Cavallerizzo maggiore), and perhaps his lesser status and presumably lesser wealth meant that he could not afford such luxuries.

^[18] Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy: A Primer in the Social History of Pictorial Style, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 29–108.

^[19] Shai Burstyn, “In quest of the period ear,” in “Listening Practice,” 25th anniversary issue, Early Music 25, no. 4 (1997): 695. The phrase “musical-historical imagination” is a play on R.G. Collingwood’s “historical imagination,” best known to musicologists from Leo Treitler, Music and the Historical Imagination (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989).

^[20] Andrea Alciato, Emblematum liber (Augsburg: Heinrich Steyner, 1531; Paris: Chrétien Wechel, 1534; Venice: Aldus, 1546). Each edition has different woodcut images. Twenty-two early modern editions of this work are digitized on Alciato at Glasgow, www.emblems.arts.gla.ac.uk/alciato/. See also Alciato, Il libro degli emblemi secondo le editioni del 1531 e del 1534, trans. and ed. Mino Gabriele (Milan: Adelphi, 2009).

^[22] Dorigen Caldwell, The Sixteenth-Century Italian Impresa in Theory and Practice (New York: AMS Press, 2004), xi–xviii.

^[23] Paolo Giovio, Dialogo dell’imprese militari e amorose, ed. Maria Luisa Doglio (Rome: Bulzoni, 1978), 37–38.

^[24] Girolamo Bargagli, Dialogo de’ giuochi (1572), cited in Denis L. Drysdall, “The Emblem According to the Italian Impresa Theorists,” in The Emblem in Renaissance and Baroque Europe: Tradition and Variety; Selected Papers of the Glasgow International Emblem Conference, 13–17 August 1990, ed. Alison Adams and Anthony J. Harper (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 22–32; Caldwell, The Sixteenth-Century Italian Impresa, 130–34.

^[25] Francesco Caburacci, Trattato dove si dimostra il vero et novo modo di fare le imprese (1580), cited in Drysdall, “The Emblem According to the Italian Impresa Theorists,” 25, 29.

^[26] Emanuele Tesauro, Il cannocchiale aristotelico … (Turin: Sinibaldo, 1654), available at https://books.google.com/books?id=Q7HcoB-adWwC, chapters 7 and 8; see especially pp. 208–9, 250, 277, and 297.

^[27] Vocabolario degli accademici della Crusca, 1st ed. (1612), online on Lessicografia della Crusca in Rete, published 2000–2004, http://www.lessicografia.it/ricerca_libera.jsp, s.v. “Impresa”: [Definition 2] “E impresa diciamo unione d’un corpo figurato, e d’un motto, per significare qualche concetto.” [Definition 3] “Simile in tutto alla IMPRESA è quello, che noi diciamo EMBLEMA, fuorchè, in questo s’ammettono i corpi umani: in quella dicon che nò.”

^[28] The literature on emblem studies is large. In addition to works already cited, see especially Peter M. Daly, The Emblem in Early Modern Europe: Contributions to the Theory of the Emblem (Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2014; London: Routledge, 2016); Peter M. Daly, ed., Emblem Scholarship: Directions and Developments; A Tribute to Gabriel Hornstein (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005); G. Richard Dimler, Studies in the Jesuit Emblem (New York: AMS Press, 2007).

^[29] Mario Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery, 2nd ed. (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1964–74), 1:170; see also Peter M. Daly and G. Richard Dimler, The Jesuit Emblem in the European Context (Philadelphia: St Joseph’s University Press, 2016).

^[30] Virgil, The Georgics, trans L.P. Wilkinson (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1982), 127 (Book 4, lines 86–87); Latin taken from J.B. Greenough, Bucolics, Aeneid, and Georgics of Vergil [sic] (Boston: Ginn, 1900), as transcribed on the Latin Library at http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/vergil/geo4.shtml.

^[31] Georgics, book 4, lines 88–90, Greenough as transcribed on The Latin Library: “Verum ubi ductores acie revocaveris ambo, / deterior qui visus, eum, ne prodigus obsit, / dede neci; melior vacua sine regnet in aula.” Trans. Wilkinson, 127: “When you have recalled from the field of battle / Both captains, single out the inferior / and put him to death. For fear his wasteful presence / Obstruct the work, and leave the palace free / For the better one to rule.”

^[33] James Hall, Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art (London: John Murray, 1974; available in a rev. ed., 1989), s.v. “Beehive” and “Ages of the World.”

^[34] G. Richard Dimler, “The Bee-Topos in the 17th-Century Jesuit Emblem Book: Themes and Contrast,” in The Emblem in Renaissance and Baroque Europe, ed. Adams and Harper, 229–46.

^[35] Janie Cole, “Cultural Clientism and Brokerage Networks in Early Modern Florence and Rome: New Correspondence between the Barberini and Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger,” Renaissance Quarterly 60, no. 3 (2007): 729–88. It might be noted that the Barberini family had its roots in Tuscany, though it came to prominence in Rome.

^[36] Filippo Picinelli, Mondo simbolico, o sia università d’imprese scelte, spiegate, ed illustrate con sentenze, ed eruditioni sacre, e profane (Milan: lo Stampatore Archiepiscopale, 1653), 369 (lib. 12, cap. 21); available on the Internet Archive, https://archive.org/details/mondosimbolicoos00pici/page/n8, and on Google Books, https://books.google.com/books?id=HV9WAAAAcAAJ. Preti was a member of the Accademia dei Gelati of Bologna, and although born in Bologna, he served at the Ferrarese court of Alfonso II d’Este, and later became one of Cardinal Francesco Barberini’s secretaries. Francesco, too, was a member of the Gelati and was of course one of Frescobaldi’s Roman patrons. Valerio Zani, Memorie imprese e ritratti dei signori Accademici Gelati di Bologna (Bologna: Manolessi, 1672), reproduced online by the Warburg Institute, http://warburg.sas.ac.uk/pdf/noh440m25w.pdf and on the Internet Archive, https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_wsfFOn9p3QAC/page/n6. Ardo, e taccio il mio mal does not appear in Hammond’s original list of Frescobaldi arie for which texts have been identified, Girolamo Frescobaldi, p. 264 (it does appear in the Extended Biography, chapter 17, n. 8) or in that given in Fabbri and Vassalli, “Frescobaldi e le raccolte,” 238–39.

^[37] The conceits in these emblems are adapted from the poetry of Petrarch and Boccaccio: Love creating the flame that distills tears through the eyes from the heart, Love that is sweet but burns. Heinsius, Emblemata amatoria and Vaenius, Amorum Emblemata are just two of the most popular early emblem books in which the bellows is an attribute of Cupid. For other examples, see Arthur Henkel and Albrecht Schöne, Emblemata: Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1967), 120, 121, 1032, 1405, 1406; Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery, 90–91; and Emblematica Online, published by the University of Illinois, 2010–15, http://emblematica.grainger.illinois.edu/.

^[38] Praz, 84, 89–91, 110, discusses the Petrarchan and Ovidian sources of love emblems in detail.

^[39] Picinelli, Mondo simbolico, 438 (lib. 17, cap. 18). Picinelli’s specific example is from the Aeneid, book 6, verse 77.

^[42] The trial records are held in I-Ras: “Pro Curia et fisco Con. Agostinum Tassum Pictorum,” Archivio del Tribunale Criminale del Governatore di Roma, processo 7, busta 104, anno 1612, pp. 1–340; the sketch is on p. 53. The records are presented in full in Mary Garrard, Artemisia Gentileschi: The Image of the Female Hero in Italian Baroque Art (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 407–87.

^[43] The verb elevo may mean to raise, to lift up, to alleviate, or to lessen. Thanks to Jo Paul for the Latin translation. This motto appeared attached to a different image (an upside-down torch) in the decorations in the town of Namur for victory celebrations following the Battle of Höchstädt in 1703. Mercure galant, December 1703, 14–43, reproduced at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40216887k/date. My thanks to Peg Katritsky for alerting me to this reference.

^[46] This emblem appears in later sources, notably together with “Depressa elevor” in the celebrations in Namur in 1703. See above, n. 43.

^[48] Alessandro Righi, Historia contagiosi morbi qui Florentiam populatus fuit anno 1630 (Florence: Francesco Honufrio, 1633), page preceding p. 1 (after unpaginated preface); available at https://archive.org/details/hin-wel-all-00002849-001 and https://books.google.com/books?id=XaW1hIT88iQC. This publication postdates the Landini print of Frescobaldi’s Arie, which suggests that Righi’s printer may have used Landini’s printing block.

^[49] Picinelli, Mondo simbolico, 6 (lib. 1, cap. 5): “Si come il Sole, con la virtù del suo raggio, fà dileguar la nebbia, portando il verbo; DISSIPABIT; così la presenza d’Iddio; od anco del Padron di casa toglie da i nostri cuori, e dalle famiglie i vitii, e i mancamenti.”

^[52] Christopher Hibbert, The Rise and Fall of the House of Medici (London: Allen Lane, 1974), 285; reissued as The House of Medici: Its Rise and Fall (New York: Morrow, 1975).

^[53] Niccolò Capponi, “Le Palle di Marte: Military Strategy and Diplomacy in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany under Ferdinand II de’ Medici (1621–1670),” The Journal of Military History 68, no. 4 (2004): 1105–41.

^[55] Domenico Buoninsegni, Storie della città di Firenze dall’anno 1410 al 1460 (Florence: Landini, 1637). An excerpt is reproduced at www.internetculturale.it/: in Biblioteca digitale, identifier sbn/BVEE046003.

^[56] Several are reproduced in Thomas Frangenberg, “Chorographies of Florence: The Use of City Views and City Plans in the Sixteenth Century,” Imago mundi 46 (1994): 41–64.

^[58] Frederick Hammond, “Girolamo Frescobaldi in Florence,” in Essays Presented to Myron P. Gilmore, ed. Sergio Bertelli and Gloria Ramakus, Villa i Tatti Series 2 (Florence: La nuova Italia, 1978), 2:417; and Remo Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia dell’Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia (Rome: Accademia di Santa Cecilia, 1970), 1:33.

^[59] Elda Salerni Buracchio, ”Presenza di Girolamo Frescobaldi a Colle Val d’Elsa,” in Girolamo Frescobaldi nel IV centenario, ed. Durante and Fabris, 47–62. Buracchio showed that the device of the Congregazione dei Musici di S. Cecilia, a more likely organization for Frescobaldi’s membership, is of small organ pipes, not the zampogna pastorale (pan pipe or syrinx) used in the Arie emblem, and that it has the motto “Concordia discors,” an inversion of the motto “Discordia concors” seen here. The motto “Discordia concors,” without the image, was used by three other academies: the Accademia degli Accordati of Siena and the same of Genoa, and in the 1660s the Accademia dei Discordanti of Naples. None of these is a likely candidate for Frescobaldi’s involvement. British Library Database of Italian Academies, http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/ItalianAcademies/.

^[60] Buracchio, “Presenza di Girolamo Frescobaldi a Colle Val d’Elsa,” 58.

^[61] A search in the British Library’s Database of Italian Academies (cited above) for the mottos and the primary images (or body) of each of the other emblems in the Arie did not reveal any correlation between them and any of the devices used by academies or individuals listed there. This does not of course mean that there is none. There is also no trace of these emblems or mottos in another major database of emblems: Emblematica Online, http://emblematica.grainger.illinois.edu/.

^[63] 1614 is the date of Banchieri’s publication of the constitution of the Accademia dei Floridi.

^[64] Banchieri, Lettere armoniche, 130–35. A forthcoming article by Rebecca Cypess discusses Banchieri’s discourse in detail. The music that accompanied Banchieri’s discourse had been published previously in Il virtuoso ritrovo academico. Banchieri had a wide network of correspondents, including clerics, printer-publishers, patrons, and musicians, and he clearly knew Frescobaldi as the latter is one of the addressees included in the Lettere armoniche. Abigail Ballantyne, “Social Networking in Seventeenth-Century Italy: The ‘Harmonious Letters’ of a Monk-Musician,” in Networks of Music and Culture in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries, ed. David J. Smith and Rachelle Taylor (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), 231–50. The impresa does not, however, appear in the 1630 revision of Banchieri’s letters. This does mean that in theory Landini may have had the woodcut in his possession for use in the Frescobaldi print issued that year.

^[66] Marino, Dicerie sacre (Turin: Luigi Pizzamiglio, 1614), fols. 98v–99r, quoted in Alix, “Interprétations et creations,” n. 12.

^[67] Adriano Banchieri, Conclusioni nel suono dell’organo (Bologna: Heredi di Giovanni Rossi, 1609), 27. Alix, “Interprétations et creations,” identifies the unknown poet (“d’incerto”) as Marino but cites the page incorrectly.

^[68] Frescobaldi, Il primo libro di madrigali a cinque voci (Antwerp: Pierre Phalèse, 1608).

^[69] Adriano Banchieri, Cartella musicale nel canto figurato fermo, & contrapunto (Venice: Giacomo Vincenti, 1614; reprint, Bologna: Forni, 1968), 153; 1614 edition available at https://books.google.com/books?id=VZxFAHJ37lkC. Cartella was first published in 1601; the canons first appear in the edition of 1613.

^[70] Romano Micheli, Musica vaga et artificiosa continente motetti con oblighi & canone diversi (Venice: Giacomo Vincenti, 1615), 22: “Canon. Di D. Adriano Banchieri.”

^[71] Banchieri, Cartella musicale, 153. There are minor differences between Banchieri’s original and Micheli’s version in Musica vaga, 22, notably in lines 4–5.

^[72] Translation from Clifford A. Cranna, “Adriano Banchieri’s Cartella musicale (1614): Translation and Commentary” (PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 1981), 324.

^[73] Romano Micheli, Cantilena di Paolo Cima messa in partitura a 4 voci (Venice: Giacomo Vincenti, 1619), n.p.

^[74] Alexander Silbiger, in “The Mystery of the Frescobaldi Portraits” (forthcoming), reports that this portrait was in Schloss Ambras, Innsbruck, in 2009, but that it may subsequently have been moved to Vienna. A black and white photograph of the image is used as a frontispiece in Girolamo Frescobaldi nel IV centenario, ed. Durante and Fabris.

^[75] Anthony Newcomb, Grove Music Online, s.v. “Antonio Goretti,” published 2001. See also Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi: An Extended Biography, par. 1.38.

^[76] Banchieri, Lettere armoniche, 63–64: “Il Diapason, overo diciamo lo intervallo di ottava consonante, come benissimo sà V. S. dalla scola universale de’ Signori Musici scrittori, vien detta continente di tutta la perfetta Armonìa, poiche in esso si racchiudono tutte le consonanze maggiori, e minori; perfette ed imperfette; armoniche, e dissonanti.”

^[77] Monteverdi was known to Banchieri, having attended a meeting of the Accademia dei Floridi in 1620. Though printed only in 1632, it is possible that Monteverdi’s setting of Eri già tutta mia was in circulation prior to its publication.

^[78] Monteverdi’s setting of this text in his Scherzi musicali, SV 248, is unambiguously lighthearted, though he chooses different patterns of repetition and demarcates the “lamenting” lines more clearly.

^[79] John Harper, “Frescobaldi’s Early Inganni and Their Background,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 105 (1978–79): 1–12; Roland Jackson, “On Frescobaldi’s Chromaticism and Its Background,” The Musical Quarterly 57 (1971): 255–69; Massimiliano Guido, “Giovanni Maria Trabaci and the New Manner of Inganni: A Musical Mockery in the Early Seicento Ricercare,” in Interpreting Historical Keyboard Music: Sources, Contexts and Performance, ed. Andrew Woolley and John Kitchen (London: Ashgate, 2013; reissued by Routledge, 2016), 43–64.

^[80] Torquato Tasso, Discourses on the Heroic Poem, trans. Mariella Cavalchini and Irene Samuel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), passim; see especially pp. 7, 42, 134, and 200 for ideas relevant to my argument.

^[81] Malcolm Campbell, Pietro da Cortona at the Pitti Palace: A Study of the Planetary Rooms and Related Projects (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977), 132–34 and 144–57.

^[82] Paulo Giovio, Dialogo dell’imprese militari et amorose (Rome: Antonio Barre, 1555); Girolamo Ruscelli, Le imprese illustri (Venice: Rampazetto, 1566); Lodovico Domenichi, Ragionamento di M. Lodovico Domenichi nel quale si parla d’imprese d’armi e d’amore (Milan: Giovann’ Antonio degli Antonii, 1559).

^[83] Mario Biagioli, “Galileo the Emblem Maker,” Isis 81, no. 2 (1990): 239–40.

^[84] Kelley Harness, “La Flora and the End of Female Rule in Tuscany,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 51, no. 3 (1998): 437–76.

^[85] Renata Ago, Gusto for Things: A History of Objects in Seventeenth-Century Rome, trans. Bradford Bouley and Corey Tazzara with Paula Findlen (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013), 188–214 (published as Gusto delle cose in 2006).

^[86] G.B. Doni, letter to Marin Mersenne, 22 July 1640: “c’est un homme fort grossier … pour accommoder les paroles, il est fort ignorant et despourveu de jugement.” Cornelius de Waard et al., eds., Correspondance du P. Marin Mersenne, religieux minime, vol. 9 (Paris: Editions CNRS, 1965), 488.

^[87] Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi, 77; Girolamo Frescobaldi: An Extended Biography, par. 9.71.

^[88] Arnaldo Morelli, “Un amico di Frescobaldi: Lelio Guidiccioni, uomo di lettere, connoisseur d’arte e di musica,” in A fresco: Mélanges offerts au professeur Etienne Darbellay, ed. Benno Boccadoro and Georges Starobinski (Bern: Peter Lang, 2013), 51–67.

^[89] V-CVbav Barb. Lat. 3879. Trans. Andrew Dell’Antonio, in Listening as Spiritual Practice in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), 150.

^[90] V-CVbav Barb. Lat. 2960, fol. 182v. The following is a literal transcription with no attempt to change punctuation or grammar. The use of the term “ostia” is strange, but a reference to music as a kind of sacramental host does make sense in the context. The reference to the herds of the sea may refer to shoals of fish, or possibly the mythical herds of white horses of the waves. A few legible words from the insertion indicate that this sentence might include a quote from Virgil’s second Eclogue, though it is not possible to decipher the context. I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Francesca Chiarelli-Morgan in translating this passage: “Ma d’altra parte, se al rimbombar degli strepiti martiali, l’eloquenza non più, ò non sempre è udita, e dove Bellona con la Discordia esultante, e col sanguigno flagello imperversa, non si ravvisa, e non ha più luogo la Sapienza di Pallade, nè corre il suo olio ove stagnan laghi d’humano sangue; Dovrà preferirsi la musica; che tien dominio sopra i guerrieri, sopra i Sauli infuriati, sopra gli Alessandri domatori de’ mondi; Ostia che trapianta i boschi, mansueta le Tigri; attrahe gli armenti del mare, ottien vita dal sen di morte. Ma che accende et non soggioga; et per molto ch’il canto delle Muse n’incanti; ove suona il fischio delle tempeste di Marte, suanisce affatto la melodia d’Apollo che vuol bonaccia. [indecipherable insertion] Posso, l’armonia non lasciando, dir l’ordine; che fà il mondo musico, il tutto misura, e pesa; a tutto dà proportione, regola, consonanza e successione per li suoi numeri.”

^[91] His translation of the Aeneid was published in 1642 by Mascardi and dedicated to Antonio Barberini.

^[93] Giulio Mancini, Considerazioni sulla pittura, ed. Adriana Marucchi, 2 vols. (Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1956–57). For a wide-ranging discussion of Mancini’s ideas concerning art and health, see Frances Gage, Painting as Medicine in Early Modern Rome: Giulio Mancini and the Efficacy of Art (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2016).

^[94] Giulio Mancini, “Della ginnastica, della musica e delle pitture,” V-CVbav Barb. Lat. 4315, fol. 190. Music is also mentioned in his “Discorso del origin et nobilità di’l ballo,” Barb. Lat. 4315, fols. 157–89.

^[95] If one is to accept the “Discordia concors” as a reference to Banchieri, a date of 1628 or earlier would indicate that the illustrative program was planned before the publication of the Lettere armoniche, which appeared only in 1628.

^[96] Carter, “Music-Printing in Late Sixteenth- and Early Seventeenth-Century Florence,” 60.

^[97] In particular, they do not appear in Andrea Cavalcanti’s well-illustrated Esequie del serenissimo principe Francesco, printed by Landini in 1634. Images used as printers’ marks may provide further clues as to the sources of the print materials; for example, Ricciardo Amadino used an organ with the motto “Magis corde quam organo” as his printer’s mark, according to Jane A. Bernstein, Print Culture and Music in Sixteenth-Century Venice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 42–43. However, as with the emblems databases, neither of the major catalogs of Italian printers’ marks has yielded any likely sources for images of bellows or bees, or images relating to concord or discord such as the sampogna used here: Margherita Aste and Ornella Denza, eds., Inter omnes: Contributo allo studio delle marche dei tipografi e degli editori italiani del XVI secolo (Rome: Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo Unico delle Biblioteche Italiane e per le Informazioni Bibliografiche, 2006); Giuseppina Zappella, Le marche dei tipografi e degli editori italiani del Cinquecento: Repertorio di figure, simboli et soggetti e dei relativi motti (Milan: Editrice Bibliografica,1986).

^[98] Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word, with additional chapters by John Hartley (London: Routledge, 2002; 1st ed., London: Methuen, 1982); Eric Havelock, The Muse Learns to Write: Reflections on Orality and Literacy from Antiquity to the Present (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986); Elizabeth Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).

^[99] D.R. Woolf, “Hearing Renaissance England,” in Hearing History: A Reader, ed. Mark M. Smith (Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 2004), 112–35.

^[100] Carolyn Abbate, “Music—Drastic or Gnostic?,” Critical Inquiry 30, no. 3 (2004): 505–36.

^[102] Emanuele Tesauro, Il cannocchiale aristotelico, quoted in Italy in the Baroque: Selected Readings, trans. and ed. Brendan M. Dooley (New York: Garland, 1995), 462, available at https://books.google.com/books?id=q2doAAAAMAAJ.

^[103] Jan C. Westerhoff, “A World of Signs: Baroque Pansemioticism, the Polyhistor and the Early Modern Wunderkammer,” Journal of the History of Ideas 62, no. 4 (2001): 633–50.