* Sarah F. Williams ( is Associate Professor of Music History at the University of South Carolina. Her book, Damnable Practises: Witches, Dangerous Women, and Music in Seventeenth-Century English Broadside Ballads (Ashgate, 2015) explores the connections broadside ballads and their music created between various degrees of female crime, the supernatural, and cautionary tales for and about women. She is an advisory board member of the English Broadside Ballad Archive (EBBA), and her scholarly work has been supported in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the American Musicological Society.

[1] Margaret Cavendish, Playes (London: Printed for John Martyn, James Allestry, and Tho[mas] Dicas, 1662), 573. A play by Thomas May also contains a possible reference to this burden and tune. See The Heire (London: Printed for Thomas Jones, 1622), sig. H2r.

[2] Samuel Rowley and Thomas Dekker, The Noble Souldier (London: Printed by [John Beale], 1634), sig. D4v.

[3] Tessa Watt estimates that about 3,000 broadside sheets survive from the second half of the sixteenth century, with only 250 in black letter copies. See Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 42. Claude Simpson estimates that about 8,000 to 10,000 broadside ballads survive from the entire early modern era (including multiple editions of the same broadside), and these extant sheets imply about 1,000 melodies. He catalogues over 400 of the surviving tunes. See Claude Simpson, The British Broadside Ballad and Its Music (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1966), xii, xvii. For seminal broadside ballad scholarship in general, see also Patricia Fumerton, Anita Guerrini, and Kris McAbee, eds., Ballads and Broadsides in Britain, 1500–1800 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Press, 2010); Natascha Würzbach, The Rise of the English Street Ballad, 1550–1650, trans. Gayna Walls (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Leslie Shepherd, The Broadside Ballad: A Study in Origins and Meanings (London: H. Jenkins, 1962); Carole R. Livingston, British Broadside Ballads of the Sixteenth Century: A Catalogue of the Extant Sheets and an Essay (London: Garland, 1991); Angela McShane, Political Broadside Ballads of Seventeenth Century England: A Critical Bibliography (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2011); for general information on witchcraft in broadsides, see Joseph H. Marshburn, Murder and Witchcraft in England, 1550–1640: As Recounted in Pamphlets, Ballads, Broadsides, and Plays (Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971); for resources on music used in the broadside trade, see William Chappell, The Ballad Literature and Popular Music of the Olden Time, 6 vols. (New York: Dover, 1965); John Ward, “Apropos The British Broadside Ballad and Its Music,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 20, no. 1 (Spring 1967): 28–86; Diana Poulton, “The Black-letter Broadside Ballad and Its Music,” Early Music 9, no. 9 (October 1981): 427–37; Christopher Marsh, “The Sound of Print in Early Modern England: The Broadside Ballad as Song,” in The Uses of Script and Print, 1300–1700, ed. Julia C. Crick and Alexandra Walsham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 171–90; for representations of women in broadsides, see Sandra Clark, Women and Crime in the Street Literature of Early Modern England (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).

[4] Bruce Smith, The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending the O-factor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 172.

[5] See Christopher Marsh, Music and Society in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

[6] See Ross Duffin, Shakespeare’s Songbook (New York: W.W. Norton, 2004) and Duffin, “Ballads in Shakespeare’s World,” in “Noyses, Sounds and Sweet Aires”: Music in Early Modern England, ed. Jessie Ann Owens (Washington, D.C.: The Folger Shakespeare Library, 2006), 32–47.

[7] See Amanda Eubanks Winkler, “O Let Us Howle Some Heavy Note”: Music for Witches, the Melancholic, and the Mad on the Seventeenth-Century English Stage (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2006) and Frances E. Dolan, Dangerous Familiars: Representations of Domestic Crime in England 1550–1700 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994).

[8] See also Frances Dolan’s and Simone Chess’ essays in Ballads and Broadsides in Britain, 1500–1800 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Press, 2010), 131–72, for other interpretations of murdering wives and speech act theory.

[9] On popular culture in early modern England I have been especially influenced by Clive Holmes, “Popular Culture?: Witches, Magistrates, and Divines in Early Modern England,” in Understanding Popular Culture: Europe from the Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century, ed. Steve Kaplan (New York: Mouton Publishers, 1984), 95; Peter Burke, “Popular Culture in Seventeenth Century London,” in Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century England, ed., Barry Reay (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985), 31; Peter Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (New York: Harper & Row, 1978); for commentary on early modern English literacy rates and how they relate to the ballad trade, see Adam Fox, “Popular Verses and Their Readership in the Early Seventeenth Century,” in The Practice and Representation of Reading in England, ed. James Raven, Helen Small, and Naomi Tadmor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 125–37; Adam Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England, 1500-1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); David Cressy, Literacy and the Social Order: Reading and Writing in Tudor and Stuart England (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); for witchcraft-specific commentary on popular culture, see James Sharpe, Early Modern England: A Social History 1550–1760 (London: Arnold, 1987), 286–334; Christina Larner, Witchcraft and Religion: The Politics of Popular Belief (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984).

[10] See David Cressy, Dangerous Talk: Scandalous, Seditious, and Treasonable Speech in Pre-Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 19. By 1700, the term referred to women almost exclusively.

[11] Martin Ingram, “‘Scolding Women Cucked or Washed’: A Crisis in Gender Relations in Early Modern England?” in Women, Crime and the Courts in Early Modern England, ed. Jennifer Kermode and Garthine Walker (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 51. See also “scold, n.” OED Online. June 2016. Oxford University Press. (accessed July 29, 2016).

[12] This was the preferred method by the early seventeenth century. Previous punishments included other forms of public display and humiliation including the stocks, the town “cage,” or being carted through town. See Ingram, “Scolding Women,” 58–59.

[13] Sandy Bardsley, Venomous Tongues: Speech and Gender in Late Medieval England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 141.

[14] A description of a witch/scold being “ruled” by the devil occurs in A Warning for Wives (London: Printed for F. G[rove], 1629), ESTC ID 126169. Henceforth, broadsides are cited with catalogue numbers from either the English Broadside Ballad Archive, (EBBA ID) or the English Short Title Catalogue, (ESTC ID).

[15] Reginald Scot, The Discoverie of Witchcraft (London: Printed for Andrew Clark, 1665), 4.

[16] William Rowley, Thomas Dekker, and John Ford, The Witch of Edmonton (London: Printed by J. Cottrel, 1658), 42.

[17] See A Warning for All Desperate Women (London: Printed for F. Coules, 1628), EBBA ID 20050; George Wither, A New Song of a Young Mans Opinion, of the Difference Betweene Good and Bad Women (London: Printed by W. I., [1618]), EBBA ID 20104.

[18] Dolan, Dangerous Familiars, 2.

[19] Randall Martin, Women, Murder, and Equity in Early Modern England (London: Routledge, 2008), 20.

[20] See Michael Dalton, The Countrey Justice (London: [Printed by Adam Islip], 1618), 205; Frederick Pollock and Frederic W. Maitland, The History of English Law, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1895), 2:502.

[21] Dolan, Dangerous Familiars, 2.

[22] William Rastall, A Collection in English of the Statutes Now in Force (London: Printed for the Societie of Stationers, 1603), 460.b.

[23] See Frances Dolan, Marriage and Violence: The Early Modern Legacy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 83.

[24] For “first wave” secondary literature on witchcraft, see Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971) and Thomas, “The Relevance of Social Anthropology to the Historical Study of English Witchcraft,” in Witchcraft Confessions and Accusations, ed. Mary Douglas (London: Tavistock Publications, 1970), 47–80; Lyndal Roper, Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality and Religion in Early Modern Europe (London: Routledge, 1994); Christina Larner, Witchcraft and Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983); Marianne Hester, Lewd Women and Wicked Witches: A Study of the Dynamics of Male Domination (London: Routledge, 1992); Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English, Witches, Midwives and Healers: A History of Women Healers (London: Routledge, 1974); Hugh R. Trevor-Roper, The European Witch-Craze of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York: Harper & Row, 1969); Christina Larner, Sourcebook of Scottish Witchcraft (Glasgow: SSRC Project on Accusations and Prosecution for Witchcraft in Scotland, 1977); James Sharpe, Instruments of Darkness: Witchcraft in Early Modern England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996); Stuart Clark, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). For an excellent introduction to witches and their crimes as seen through the early modern English performing arts, see Anthony Harris, Night’s Black Agents: Witchcraft and Magic in Seventeenth-Century English Drama (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1980). See also Winkler, “O Let Us Howle,”18–62 and Diane Purkiss, “The All Singing, All Dancing Plays of the Jacobean Witch Vogue,” in The Witch in History: Early Modern and Twentieth-Century Representations (London: Routledge, 1996), 199–230; Linda Phyllis Austern, “‘Art to Enchant’: Musical Magic and Its Practitioners in English Renaissance Drama,” Journal of the Royal Musical Association 115, no. 2 (1990): 191–206. Though skepticism toward the dark arts was growing during the seventeenth century in England, learned writers on the subject, more often those on the Continent but some in England, still agreed that a witch made a pact with the devil sealed in blood. See, for example, Thomas Cooper, The Mystery of Witch-craft (London: Printed by Nicholas Okes, 1617), 91; John Cotta, The Infallible True and Assured Witch (London: Printed by J[ohn] L[egat], 1624), 85; Matthew Hopkins, The Discovery of Witches (London: Printed for R. Royston, 1647), 2, 4, 9.

[25] James Sharpe, Witchcraft in Seventeenth-Century Yorkshire: Accusations and Counter-Measures (London: Bothwick Publications, 1992), 2.

[26] For more information on the figure of the domestic scold and her punishment, see William Gearing, A Bridle for the Tongue (London: Printed by R. H., 1663); Ingram, “Scolding Women,” 57–58; Carla Mazzio, “Sins of the Tongue in Early Modern England,” Modern Language Studies 28, nos. 3/4 (Autumn 1998): 93–124; Thomas E. Lones, “Scraps of English Folklore, X. (Derbyshire and Worcestershire),” Folklore 36, no. 1 (March 1925): 90.

[27] Sharpe, Instruments of Darkness, 60.

[28] Witches Apprehended, Examined and Executed, for Notable Villanies by Them Committed Both by Land and Water. With a Strange and Most True Triall How to Know Whether a Woman Be a Witch or Not (London: [Printed by William Stansby], 1613), sig. A3v.

[29] See, for example, Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, 638–77; Macfarlane, 230; Brian P. Levack, New Perspectives on Witchcraft, Magic, and Demonology: Gender and Witchcraft (New York: Taylor & Francis, 2001), 159; Dolan, Dangerous Familiars, 197.

[30] See Sharpe, Instruments of Darkness, 61–63; Macfarlane, 147–210.

[31] John Denison, The Most Wonderfull and True Storie of a Certaine Witch Named Alse Gooderidge of Stapenhill, Who Was Arraigned and Convicted at Darbie at the Assises There (London: Printed by J. O., 1597), 4. See also Sara Mendelson and Patricia Crawford, Women in Early Modern England, 1550­–1720 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998), 58–70; Laura Gowing, Domestic Dangers: Women, Words, and Sex in Early Modern London (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 62; James Sharpe, “Women, Witchcraft and the Legal Process,” in Women, Crime and the Courts in Early Modern England, ed. Jenny Kermode and Garthine Walker (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 106–24.

[32] Mendelson and Crawford, Women in Early Modern England, 69.

[33] See, in particular, Dolan, Dangerous Familiars, 1–19.

[34] The Arte of English Poesie (London: Printed by Richard Field, 1589), 69.

[35] William Brown, Britannia’s Pastorals. The Second Booke (London: Printed for Geo[rge] Norton, 1616), C2r.

[36] Nicholas Bownde, The Doctrine of the Sabbath (London: Printed by the Widdow Orwin, 1595), 242.

[37] Bownde, Doctrine of the Sabbath, 241. See also the later engravings of William Hogarth, most specifically Beer Street, for visual depictions of the communal singing of broadside ballads.

[38] Samuel Pepys, “4 February 1659/60,” in Robert Latham and William Matthews, eds., The Diary of Samuel Pepys (London: Bell & Hyman, 1971–1983; reprint, London: HarperCollins, 1995), 41. Likewise, seventeenth-century antiquarian Anthony Wood collected broadsides and chapbooks, often pasting his findings into books and doodling on the broadsides themselves. See Patricia Fumerton’s essay in Broadsides and Ballads in Britain, 1500–1800 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2010), 13–34, for more information on the collecting practices of Anthony Wood and other seventeenth-century antiquarians.

[39] Marsh, Music and Society, 272–79.

[40] See Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 461. For manuscript sources of “Peggy Ramsey”/”London Is a Fine Town,” see William Ballet’s Lute Book, (c. 1600), IRL-Dtc D.I.21, fol. 26r; GB-Cu MS Dd.6.48, fol. 13r; Clement Matchett MS Virginal Book (1612), Gb-En 9448, No. 11; F-Pn MS Rés 1186, fol. 122r and F-Pn MS Rés 1185, no. 28; GB-Lbl MS Add. 18936, fol. 58v. See also Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 368–71.

[41] Watten Towns-end (London: Printed for P[hilip] Brooksby, [1670–1696]), EBBA ID 32833.

[42] This use of “Watling Street” may be an error—that is, the author might have confused the popular tune “Watton Towns end” with the ancient Roman road Watling Street that the Britons used to travel between modern-day Canterbury and St. Albans.

[43] GB-Ob MS Ashmole 38, fol. 318r. See also Thomas D’Urfey, Wit and Mirth; Or Pills to Purge Melancholy, 6 vols. (London: Printed by W. Pearson, 1719–20), 5:139.

[44] “London Is a Fine Town” had a long and storied history that led to its inclusion in more “high art” genres in the eighteenth century, when it was printed in ballad operas including, among many others, John Gay’s The Beggar’s Opera of 1728, Henry Fielding’s The Mock Doctor of 1732, and Henry Carey’s The Honest Yorkshire-Man of 1735.

[45] Sure My Nurse Was a Witch (London: Printed for H[enry] G[osson], [1630]), STC 12547.3. Research has been done on the witch as a perverted maternal figure: see Deborah Willis, Malevolent Nurture: Witch Hunting and Maternal Power in Early Modern England (Ithaca, N.J.: Cornell University Press, 1995); Nancy Hayes, “Negativizing Nurture and Demonizing Domesticity: The Witch Construct in Early Modern Germany,” in Maternal Measures: Figuring Caregiving in the Early Modern Period, ed. Naomi Miller and Naomi Yavneh (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), 179–200.

[46] An Excellent Merye Songe of the Freier and the Boye (London: Edward White, 1586), licensed August 16, 1586.

[47] See also Andrew Clark, ed., The Shirburn Ballads, 1585–1616 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1907), no. 37.

[48] Marsh, Music and Society, 248–50; Duffin, “Ballads in Shakespeare’s World,” 32–47.

[49] See Eubanks Winkler, “O Let Us Howle,” 86–91 for an in-depth discussion about ballad tunes and Ophelia’s madness in Shakespeare’s Hamlet. See also Leslie C. Dunn, “Ophelia’s Songs in Hamlet: Music, Madness, and the Feminine,” in Embodied Voices: Representing Female Vocality in Western Culture, ed. Leslie C. Dunn and Nancy A. Jones (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 50–64.

[50] John Pikering, A newe enterlude of vice conteyninge, the historye of Horestes (London: Printed by Wylliam Gryffith, 1567), sig. Biiv.

[51] George Peele, The Famous Chronicle of King Edward the First (London: Printed for William Barley, 1593), C1r.

[52] Richard Brome, The Antipodes a Comedie (London: Printed for Francis Constable, 1640), G1r. For additional scholarship on song in early modern English theater, see, briefly, Smith, Acoustic World of Early Modern England, 206–45; Smith, “Shakespeare’s Residuals: The Circulation of Ballads in Cultural Memory,” in Shakespeare and Elizabethan Popular Culture, ed. Stuart Gillespie and Neil Rhodes (London: Arden Shakespeare, 2006), 193–218; David Lindley, Shakespeare and Music (London: Arden Shakespeare, 2005), 141–98; Duffin, Shakespeare’s Songbook, 15–42; Duffin, “Ballads in Shakespeare’s World,” 32–47; Dunn, “Ophelia’s Songs,” 50–64; Peter Seng, The Vocal Songs in the Plays of Shakespeare (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967); Bryan N. S. Gooch and David Thatcher, A Shakespeare Music Catalogue, 5 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); Christopher R. Wilson and Michela Calore, Music in Shakespeare: A Dictionary (London: Continuum Press, 2008); Stuart Gillespie, “Shakespeare and Popular Song,” in Shakespeare and Elizabethan Popular Culture, ed. Stuart Gillespie and Neil Rhodes (London: Arden Shakespeare, 2006), 174–92; Linda Phyllis Austern, Music in English Children’s Drama of the Late Renaissance (Philadelphia, Pa.: Gordon and Breach, 1992); Howell Chickering, “Hearing Ariel’s Songs,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 24, no. 1 (1994): 131–72.

[53] D’Urfey, Wit and mirth, 3:219.

[54] See Vic Gammon, Desire, Drink and Death in English Folk and Vernacular Song, 1600–1900 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2008), 15–50.

[55] Corrupt, nonsensical, and some accurate notation does appear above the titles on a small set of ballads published between the 1680s and 1690s. For commentary, see D[onald].W. Krummel, English Music Printing, 1553–1700 (London: Bibliographical Society, 1975), 164; Richard Luckett, “Music,” in Catalogue of the Pepys Library at Magdalene College, Cambridge, ed. Robert Latham, 6 vols. (Cambridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1992), 2:xxv; Marsh, “The Sound of Print in Early Modern England,” 171–90.

[56] See the various editions of John Playford’s The English Dancing Master, which underwent eighteen revisions and additions between 1651 and 1728.

[57] See The Partiall Law, ed. Bertram Dobell (New York: Bertram Dobell, 1908), 43.

[58] Richard Brathwaite, Natures Embassie, or, The wilde-mans Measures Danced Naked by Twelve Satyres… (London: [Printed by Richard Field], 1621), sig. P2r.

[59] See, for example, William Webbe, A Discourse of English Poetrie (London: Printed by John Charlewood, 1586), sig. Dr.

[60] Thomas Nashe, Have with You Saffron-walden (London: Printed by John Danter, 1596), sig. Tr. The tune perhaps calls upon its Shakespearean associations when a ballad titled A Merry Jest of John Tomson, and Jackaman His Wife, Whose Jealousy Was Justly the Cause of All Their Strife is sung to the tune “Pegge of Ramsey” with a burden on the words “Give me my yellow hose,” a possible reference to the prank perpetrated against Malvolio in Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night.

[61] See “gig, n.1,” II, 4. OED Online. June 2016. Oxford University Press. (accessed July 29, 2016).

[62] Charles Baskervill, Elizabethan Jig and Related Song Drama (New York: Dover, 1965), 12. See also Thomas Morley, A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musick (London: Printed by Peter Short, 1597), 181.

[63] See Amanda Eubanks Winkler, ed. Music for Macbeth (Madison, Wis: A-R Editions, 2004), x–xi.

[64] Thomas Mace, Musick’s Monument (London: Printed by T. Radcliffe and N. Thompson, 1676), 169. Baskervill, Elizabethan Jig, 111.

[65] Eubanks Winkler, “O Let Us Howle,” 40. For contemporaneous descriptions of vigorous witch choreography, see Scot, Discoverie of Witchcraft, 42; Lewes Lavater, Of Ghostes and Spirites Walking by Nyght (London: Printed by Henry Benneyman, 1572), 93. See also Purkiss, “All Singing, All Dancing Plays,” 199–230.

[66] See the broadside The Young Mans Ramble (London: Printed for J. Wright, J. Clarke, W. Thackery, and T. Passenger, [1681]), ESTC ID R218133 for an excellent and somewhat bawdy description of jig choreography: “Pricsilla did dance a Jig with Tom,/ which made his buttocks quake like a Custard/ With clipping and kissing and kind embraces,/ The young-men tumbl’d about with their Lasses.”

[67] See the later edition, The Judgment of God Shewed upon John Faustus, Doctor of Divinitye (London: Printed for W. Thackeray and T. Passinger, 1686–1688), ESTC ID R234333. This broadside could have appeared around the same time the German source was translated and Christopher Marlowe’s dramatic work on the subject premiered. See Robert J. Fehrenbach, “A Pre-1592 English Faust Book and the Date of Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus,The Library 2, no. 4 (December 2001): 327–35, for commentary on this subject. See also MacDonald P. Jackson, “Three Old Ballads and the Date of Doctor Faustus,” Journal of the Australasian Universities, Language and Literature Association 36, no. 1 (1971): 187–200. It is possible this early ballad could have been set to “Fortune My Foe” since several late sixteenth-century lute tablatures contain the title, including the Dallis Lute Book (1583–1585), IRL-Dtc MS 410.

[68] For only a few literary and dramatic examples, see Rowley and Dekker, The Noble Souldier, D4v; William Shakespeare, The Merry Wives of Windsor (Act III, scene iii, lines 69–70) and Henry V (Act III, scene vi, line 42); other allusions include Ben Jonson’s The Case is Altered, ed. William Gifford (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1917), 393; Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher’s The Custom of the Country in The Dramatick Works of Beaumont and Fletcher, 10 vols. (London: Printed by Thoms Sherlock, 1778), 2:6 and The Knight of the Burning Pestle (Act V, scene iii, lines 80–85), Henry Chettle’s Kind-Harts Dreame (London: Printed by J. Wolfe and J. Danter, 1593), sig. Br, and John Lyly’s The Maydes Metamorphosis, in The Complete Works of John Lyly, ed. Richard Warwick Bond, 5 vols. (New York: General Books, 1902), 2:123. The broadsides calling for this tune are too numerous to list; however, see Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, 225–31.

[69] See An Excellent Song, Wherein You Shall Find, Great Consolation for a Troubled Mind (London: Printed by Thomas Symcocke, [1619–1629]), EBBA ID 30070. For other moralizing ballad examples set to the same tune, see A Looking-Glass for a Christian Family (London: Printed for J. Clarke, W. Thackeray, and T. Passenger, [16841686]), EBBA ID 30740; The Young-Mans Repentance (London: Printed for J[ohn] Back, [1683-1703]),  EBBA ID 35059; The Dying Christians Friendly Advice (London: Printed by C. Dennison, [1680-1685]), EBBA ID 20667; A Looking-Glass for All True Christians (London: Printed for J. Wright, J. Clarke, W. Thackeray, and T. Passinger, [1658–1664]), EBBA ID 31919; A Looking-Glass for All True Protestants (London: Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, J. Wright, and J. Clarke, 1679), EBBA ID 20692; Richard Crimsal, Death’s Loud Allarum: Or, A Perfect Description of the Frailty of Mans Life, with Some Admonitions to Warne All Men and Women to Repentance (London: Printed for John Wright, [1635?]), EBBA ID S108761; Minister Stevens, The Great Assize; Or, Christ’s Certain and Sudden Appearance to Judgment (London: Printed for P[hilip] Brooksby, [1680]), EBBA ID 30082; A Godly Guide of Directions for True Penitent Sinners (London: Printed for P[hilip] Brooksby, [1672–1696]), EBBA ID 30660. “Aim Not Too High” was also known by the tune indication “Bernard’s Vision” after being paired with a ballad by the same name. See Saint Bernards Vision… to the Tune of, Fortune My Foe (London: Printed for J[ohn] Wright, [1602–1646?]), EBBA ID 30253 and The Bedforshire Prophesie… to the Tune of Bernard’s Vision, or, Aim Not Too High (London, 1690), EBBA ID 20693. See also Chappell, Popular Music, 1:162–64.

[70] See, for example, Marsh, Music and Society, 238–46; Kirilka Stavreva, “Scaffolds Unto Prints: Executing the Insubordinate Wife in the Ballad Trade of Early Modern England,” Journal of Popular Culture 31, no. 1 (Summer 1997): 177–88; Dianne Dugaw, “‘All the riches that we boast consist in scraps of paper’: English Ballad Tradition and Emergent Capitalism in the Eighteenth Century,” The Folklore Historian 14 (1997), 26; and Dagmar Freist, Governed by Opinion: Politics, Religion and the Dynamics of Communication in Stuart London, 1637–1645 (London: I.B. Tauris, 1997), 159–60.

[71] See ref. 53. For information on the social demographic and admission prices for London’s public playhouses in the seventeenth century, see, for example, Andrew Gurr, The Shakespearean Stage, 1574–1642 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Gurr, Playgoing in Shakespeare’s London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 72–77; Reginald A. Foakes, “Playhouses and Players,” in The Cambridge Companion to English Renaissance Drama, ed. Albert R. Braunmiller and Michael Hattaway (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 9; Ann Jennalie Cook, The Privileged Playgoers of Shakespeare’s London, 1576–1642 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1981), 7; Alfred Harbage, Shakespeare’s Audience (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941); Robert Weimann, Shakespeare and the Popular Tradition in Theatre (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978); Gerald Eades Bentley, The Jacobean and Caroline Stage (Oxford: Clarendon, 1941).

[72] For more information, see Amanda Eubanks Winkler, Music for Macbeth (Middleton, Wis.: A-R Editions, 2004), vii–xi, and “O Let Us Howle,” 43, 46.

[73] Like other witchcraft ballads, its details are drawn from court records describing the trial of Temperance Lloyd, Mary Trembles, and Susanna Edwards in Devonshire. Trial accounts include A True and Impartial Relation of the Informations against Three Witches, viz., Temperance Lloyd, Mary Trembles, and Susanna Edwards, Who Were Indicted, Arraigned and Convicted at the Assizes Holden in the County of Devon, at the Castle of Exon, Aug. 14, 1682 (London: Printed by Freeman Collins, 1682). The broadside relating these trials dates also from 1682.

[74] Publishers and demon mongers often constructed their pamphlet accounts of witchcraft trials around a moralizing agenda. See Laura Gowing, Domestic Dangers: Women, Words, and Sex in Early Modern London (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 47.

[75] An Excellent Song, Wherein You Shall Find Great Consolation for a Troubled Mind (London: Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, and J. Wright, 1663–1674), ESTC ID R234274.

[76] Truth Brought to Light (London: Printed for Charles Tyns [sic], 1662), ESTC ID R185755.

[77] The pamphlet publication is titled The Power of Witchcraft Being a Most Strange but True Relation of the Most Miraculous and Wonderful Deliverance of One Mr. William Harrison, of Cambden in the County of Glocester, Steward to the Lady Nowel (London: Printed for Charl[e]s Tyus, 1662), ESTC ID R221784.

[78] The Distressed Gentlewoman; or, Satan’s Implacable Malice (London: Printed for P[hilip] Brooksby, J[onah] D[eacon], J[osiah] Blare, J[ohn] Back, [1691]), ESTC ID 234283.

[79] A Looking Glass for All True Protestants (London: Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, J. Wright, and J. Clarke, 1679), ESTC ID R234278.

[80] Gun-Powder Plot (London: Printed for P. Brooksby, J. Deacon, J. Blare, and J. Back, 1696?), ESTC ID R188169.

[81] See, for example, Great Brittains Alarm (London: Printed for P. Brooksby, 1672?), ESTC ID R228240; A Godly Guide of Directions (London: Printed for P. Brooksby, 1672?), ESTC ID R220118; A Looking-Glass for A Christian Family (London: Printed for J. Clarke, W. Thackeray, and T. Passenger, 1684?), ESTC ID R234251.

[82] See, in particular, William Baldwin, A Maruelous Hystory Intitulede, Beware the Cat Conteyning Diuers Wounderfull and Incredible Matters. Very Pleasant and Mery to Read (London: Printed for Wylliam Gryffith, 1570). See also Arthur F. Marotti, Catholicism and Anti-Catholicism in Early Modern English Texts (New York: Macmillan, 1999); Carol Z. Wiener, “The Beleagured Isle: A Study of Elizabethan and Early Jacobean Anti-Catholicism,” Past and Present 51, no. 1 (May 1971): 27–62; Frances E. Dolan, Whores of Babylon: Catholicism, Gender, and Seventeenth-Century Print Culture (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2005), 45–94; Donna B. Hamilton, Shakespeare and the Politics of Protestant England (Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky Press, 1992), 23, 91; John William Allen, English Political Thought, 1603–1660 (London: Meuthen & Co. Ltd., 1938), 312, 485; Ian Bostridge, Witchcraft and Its Transformations (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997).

[83] Anne Wallens Lamentation (London: Printed for Henry Gosson, 1616), EBBA ID 20053. For more discussion of “goodnight” ballads, or the last words of convicted criminals, see Stavreva, “Scaffolds Unto Prints,” 177­–88 and Stavreva, “Fighting Words: Witch-Speak in Late Elizabethan Docu-Fiction.” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 30, no. 2 (October 2000): 309–38. It is also possible to trace “Fortune My Foe” well into the late seventeenth century through intertextual relationships. See The Distressed Gentlewoman. One ballad linking this melody to the two different titles is A Looking-glass for Traytors… Tune of, Aim Not Too High, or, Fortune My Foe (London: Thomas Vere and William Gilbertson, 1660), ESTC ID 210824. It must be noted that “Fortune” did not accompany only ballads telling of crimes, murders, the supernatural, tragedies, and witchcraft—that is, the tune is also called for in a sixteenth-century broadside lover’s complaint, with later editions published in the 1680s, entitled A Sweet Sonnet, Wherein the Lover Exclaimeth against Fortune for the loss of his Ladies Favour (London: Printed for Jno. Cherelewood, 1565). See EBBA ID 20243 for a copy of the later edition. The sentiment and outcome in this broadside are the same as the grislier examples, however. Fortune is the lover’s foe.

[84] For more examples of similar textual structures listed in Table 1, see The Lamentation of Edward Bruton, and James Riley (London: Printed for H[enry] G[osson], 1633), EBBA ID 30324 or Thomas Deloney, The Lamentation of Master Pages Wife of Plimmouth (London: Printed for H[enry] Gosson,1609), EBBA ID 20054, among others.

[85] See Sarah F. Williams, “‘A Swearing and Blaspheming Wretch’: Representations of Witchcraft and Excess in Early Modern English Broadside Balladry and Popular Song,” Journal of Musicological Research 30, no. 4 (October 2011): 309–56.

[86] See Simpson, British Broadside Ballad, p. 743.

[87] The First Part of the Widdow of Watling Street & Her Three Daughters (London: Printed for Rich[ard] Jones, 1597). See EBBA ID 20061 for an example of a later edition.

[88] The Salisbury Assizes (London: s.n., 1653), ESTC ID R187381; Martin Parker, A Warning for Wives (London: Printed for F. Grove, [1629]), EBBA ID 20049; The Unnatural Wife (London: Printed for M. T[rundle] Widdow, 1628), EBBA ID 20051.

[89] Claude Simpson notes that in the seventh edition addendum of John Playford’s The Dancing Master of 1686, there is a tune titled “Hayn’s Jigg, or The Wanton Wife.” He doubts this is the proper tune because it requires significant modification in order to accommodate the syllables in the even-numbered lines of poetry. See John Playford, The Dancing-Master (London: Printed by J[ohn] P[layford], 1686), Vv. See also Simpson, British Broadside Ballads, 744.

[90] It is more than likely “Bragandary” was eventually renamed “Robin and Jeck” around the turn of the eighteenth century. Credible notation does exist for this melody and fits broadside texts calling for “Bragandary.” See Sarah F. Williams, Damnable Practises: Witches, Dangerous Women, and Music in Seventeenth-Century English Broadside Ballads (Farnham, UK: Ashgate Press, 2015), 79–80. For suggested notation for “Bragandary” with text set from a broadside calling for this tune title, see Sarah F. Williams, “‘Lasting-Pasted Monuments’: Memory, Music, Theater, and the Seventeenth-Century English Broadside Ballad,” in Beyond Boundaries: Rethinking Music Circulation in Early Modern England, ed. Amanda Eubanks Winkler, Linda Phyllis Austern, and Candace Bailey (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, forthcoming), chapter 7.

[91] See, for example, Calebbe Shillocke, His Prophesie: or, the Jewes Prediction (London: Printed for T.P., [1607]), EBBA ID 20024; News Out of East India (London: Printed for F. Coules, 1624), EBBA ID 20280; Martin Parker, A Description of a Strange (and Miraculous) Fish (London: Printed for Thomas Lambert, [1635]), ESTC ID S120132.

[92] See Williams, “Swearing and Blaspheming Wretch,” 309–56.

[93] A Warning for Wives.

[94] Murder upon Murder (London: Printed for T. Langley, 1635),ESTC ID S102603.

[95] See

[96] Emphasis mine. See John Mennes, Wit Restor’d (London: Printed for R. Pollard, N. Brooks, and T. Dring, 1658), 39–43. Bagnall’s Ballet was first published in Musarum deliciae (London: Printed by J. G., 1655).

[97] Abraham Miles, Wonder of Wonders (London: Printed by William Gilbertson., 1662), ESTC ID R41805.

[98] The Careless Curate and the Bloudy Butcher in a Narrative of Sad News from Chelmsford in Essex (London: Printed for William Gilbertson, 1662), ESTC ID R37465. Another broadside calling for the same tune is A Prospective-glass for Christians (London: Printed for P[hillip] Brooksby, J[onah] Deacon, J[osiah] Blare, and J[ohn] Back, [1688-1692]), ESTC ID R227339.

[99] See, for example, The Phantastick Age (London: Printed for Thomas Lambert, [1634]), EBBA ID 30318.

[100] See, for example, The Brides Burial (London: Printed for H[enry] G[o]sson, 1603), EBBA ID 21373; The Lamenting Lady (London: Printed for H[enry] Gosson, [1620]), EBBA ID 20210; The Lady Isabella’s Tragedy (London: Printed for P[hillip] Brooksby, [1672]), EBBA ID 20767. For manuscript sources of “The Ladies Fall” variously titled “In Peascod Time,” see Anthony Holborne, The Cittharn School (London: Printed by Peter Short, 1597), sig. C1v; US-OAm MS, c. 1600, No. 32; US-NYp MS Drexel 5612, 22r; Orlando Gibbons, Complete Keyboard Works of Orlando Gibbons, ed. Gerald Hendrie, Musica Britannica 20 (London: Stainer and Bell, Ltd., 1974), 64; F-Pn MS Rés 1186, fol. 101v.

[101] A Lamentable Ballad of the Ladies Fall (London, n.d.).

[102] The tune is also known by the name “The Hunt’s Up” and is titled as such alongside the indication “In Peascod Time” in Gibbons, Complete Keyboard Works (Hendrie ed.), 64.

[103] Damnable Practises (London: Printed for G. Eld, 1619), EBBA ID 20058. James Sharpe notes that one social reason for witchcraft accusations in the early seventeenth century was the shifting relationships between the rich and poor—that is, with the growth of capitalism, the gentry were not often involved in witchcraft accusations or even general disputes among the working class or the rural poor. See Sharpe, Crime in Seventeenth-Century England, 159–62. Damnable Practises is one of the few broadsides depicting acts of malfeasance committed against a noble family.

[104] The Wonderful Discoverie of the Witchcrafts of Margaret and Phillip[a] Flower, Daughters of Joan Flower Neere Bever Castle: Executed at Lincolne, March 11. 1618 (London: Printed for G. Eld, 1619).

[105] The Wonderful Discoverie, sig. C3r.

[106] A Warning for All Desperate Women (London: Printed for F. Coules, 1628), EBBA ID 20050.

[107] A Lamentable Ballad of the Tragical End of a Gallant Lord, and a Vertuous Lady (London: Printed for W. Thackeray and T[homas] Passinger, [1686–88]), EBBA ID 20261; The Brides Burial (London: Printed for H[enry] G[o]sson, 1603), EBBA ID 21373; Lady Isabellas Tragedy (London: Printed for P[hilip] Brooksby, 1672–1696?), EBBA ID 20767.

[108] See, for example, A Warning for All Worldlings to Learn to Dye (London: Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, and J. Wright, [between 1663 and 1674]), EBBA ID 31989; A Warning for Maidens to the Tune of, The Ladies Fall (London, 1650[?]), EBBA ID 30336; A Friendly Caveat to All True Christians, Showing Them the True Way to Heaven (London: Printed for W. Thackeray, T. Passenger, and W. Whitwood, [1670?]), ESTC ID R409; A Godly Warning for all Maidens (London: Printed for F. Coles, Tho. Vere and W. Gilbertson, [1670?]), EBBA ID 20238; The Wandring Jew; or, The Shoomaker (London: Printed for A. Milbourn, [1670?]), ESTC ID R186229.

[109] Henry Bold, Latine Songs with Their English (London: Printed by John Eglesfield, 1685), 148–49.

[110] Duffin, Shakespeare’s Songbook, 292–93.  See also John Bodenham, Englands Helicon (London: Printed for Richard More, 1614).

[111] As You Like It (Act III, scene iii, lines 82–84). See Gibbons, Complete Keyboard Works (Hendrie ed.), 64.

[112] For further information on prejudices against women leading to witchcraft accusations in early modern England, see Merry Weisner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 218–38; Olwen Hufton, The Prospect Before Her: A History of Women in Western Europe, 1500–1800 (New York: Vintage, 1995), 336–62; Linda Woodbridge, Women and the English Renaissance: Literature and the Nature of Womankind, 1540–1620 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 162, 288; Lyndal Roper, Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality and Religion in Early Modern Europe (London: Routledge, 1994), 145–70; Katherine Usher Henderson and Barbara F. McManus, Half Humankind: Contexts and Texts of the Controversy about Women in England, 1540–1640 (Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1985), 49–53; Anthony Fletcher, Gender, Sex and Subordination in England, 1500-1800 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 25–26 and 376–414; and Stuart Clark, Thinking with Demons, 179–94.

[113] See, for example, George Gifford, Dialogue Concerning Witches and Witchcrafts (London: Printed by John Windet, 1593) and A Discourse of the Subtill Practises of Deuilles by Witches and Sorcerers (London: [Printed by T. Orwin], 1587); Henry Goodcole, The Wonderfull Discoverie of Elizabeth Sawyer (London: [Printed by A. Mathewes], 1621); Thomas Potts, Wonderful Discoverie… (London: Printed by W. Stansby, 1613); Matthew Hopkins, The Discovery of Witches: In Answer to Severall Queries, Lately Delivered to the Judges of the Assize for the County of Norfolk (London: Printed for R. Royston, 1647); Thomas Cooper, The Mystery of Witchcraft (London: Printed by Nicholas Okes, 1617); See also Barbara Rosen, Witchcraft in England, 1558–1618 (Amherst, Mass.: University of Massachusetts Press, 1969) and Marion Gibson, Reading Witchcraft: Stories of Early English Witches (New York: Routledge, 1999), 50–66.

[114] For the associations of Quakerism with witchcraft accusations in general, see, for example, Kirilka Stavreva, “Prophetic Cries at Whitehall: The Gender Dynamics of Early Quaker Women’s Injurious Speech,” in Women, Gender and Radical Religion in Early Modern Europe, ed. Sylvia Monica Brown (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 17–38; Amelia Mott Gummere, Witchcraft and Quakerism (London: Biddle, 1908); Chris A. Klassen, Storied Selves: Shaping Identity in Feminist Witchcraft (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2008), 44; Peter Elmer, “‘Saints or Sorcerers’: Quakerism, Demonology and the Decline of Witchcraft in Seventeenth-Century England,” in Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe: Studies in Culture and Belief, ed. Jonathan Barry, Marianne Hester, and Gareth Roberts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 145–82; and John Marshall, John Locke, Toleration, and Early Enlightenment Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 296–97. There is less research on literature comparing the Separatists to witches, especially in the realm of popular song scholarship; however, the title “O Women, Monstrous Women,” appears as the musical indication for a poem titled “A Caution” from Alexander Brome’s Rump (1662) comparing “Sep’ratists” to the devil, and likening their beliefs to “foul superstition.” See Williams, Damnable Practises, 153–55 for a lengthier discussion.