[*]Jeffrey Kurtzman ( earned his Ph.D. in musicology from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. His research, supported by fellowships and grants from the Guggenheim Foundation, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Deutscher Akademisher Austaushdienst, and the Martha Baird Rockefeller Fund for Music, is centered on Italian music of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, aesthetics, and criticism. Professor Kurtzman has published a book of essays on Monteverdi, a book of studies in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Italian sacred music, two books on the Monteverdi Vespers, critical editions of the Monteverdi Vespers and Monteverdi Masses, a 10-volume series of Seventeenth-Century Italian Music for Vespers and Compline, and numerous articles on sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Italian music. He is the General Editor of the Opera Omnia of Alessandro Grandi, published by the American Institute of Musicology, and General Editor of an anthology of seventeenth-century Italian instrumental music published by the Web Library of Seventeenth-Century Music. Together with Anne Schnoebelen, he has published a detailed catalogue of some 2,000 Italian prints of music for the Mass, Office, and Holy Week, 1516–1770, in the Instrumenta series of The Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music. The founder of the international Society for Seventeenth-Century Music, he currently serves on the editorial boards of the Society’s Web Library of Seventeenth-Century Music and the Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music, and he is an Honorary Life Member of the Society.

[1] The present article offers some new information and thoughts combined with my earlier observations on the Monteverdi Vespers of 1610, especially those published in my book, The Monteverdi Vespers of 1610: Music, Context, Performance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). My previously published material is included here for the sake of establishing a broader and more complete context for the print. In the same year as the Frankfurt Monteverdi conference, Roger Bowers published in Music & Letters an article on Monteverdi as a composer of sacred music in Mantua and the 1610 Mass and Vespers: “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music in the Household of the Gonzaga Dukes of Mantua, 1590–1612,” Music & Letters 90, no. 3 (August 2009): 331–71, which comprises a major expansion of his article “Monteverdi at Mantua, 1590–1612,” in The Cambridge Companion to Monteverdi, ed. John Whenham and Richard Wistreich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 53–75. Bowers’ discussions of the Mass and Vespers contain a number of ill-conceived and badly argued theories—some of which are repeated in his subsequent article, “Of 1610: Claudio Monteverdi’s Mass, Motets, and Vespers,” Musical Times 151, no. 1912 (Fall 2010): 41–46—that are at odds with the positions taken in the present article as well as with the available evidence. A few comments on Bowers’s representations follow below, but rather than a full-scale critique of those theories here, which would expand this article far out of proportion to the others in this issue, I will reserve response for a separate article at a later time.

[2] Angelo Pompilio, “Editoria musicale a Napoli e in Italia nel cinque-seicento,” in Musica e cultura a Napoli dal XV al XIX secolo, ed. Lorenzo Bianconi and Renato Bossa (Florence: Olschki, 1983), 79–102; Keith Larson and Angelo Pompilio, “Cronologia delle edizioni musicali napolitane del cinque-seicento,” in Musica e cultura a Napoli dal XV al XIX secolo, 103–39; and Tim Carter, “Music Publishing in Italy, c.1580–c.1625: Some Preliminary Observations,” RMA Research Chronicle, 20 (1986/87): 19–37; reprinted in Carter, Monteverdi and his Contemporaries (Aldershot, UK and Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing, 2000), 19-37. Anne Schnoebelen’s and my Catalogue of Mass, Office and Holy Week Music Printed in Italy, 1516–1770, containing all the known extant repertoire (ca.2,000 prints) has recently been published in the Instrumenta series of the Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music: database Printed Sacred Music in Europe 1500–1800 prepared by RISM-Switzerland (, also includes information on some 1,200 Italian motet collections, with another ca.600 to be added. Together, this catalogue and database form a starting point for much broader and deeper studies of the sacred repertoire of this period.

[3] In addition to the articles cited in ref. 2, see Daniel Heartz, Pierre Attaignant, Royal Printer of Music: A Historical Study and Bibliographical Catalogue (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 122; Samuel F. Pogue, Jacques Moderne: Lyons Music Printer of the Sixteenth Century (Geneva: Librarie Droz, 1969), 45; Richard J. Agee, “A Venetian Music Printing Contract in the Sixteenth Century,” Studi musicali 15, no.1 (1986): 59–65; Mary Lewis, Antonio Gardano: Venetian Music Printer, 1538–1569, I, (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1988), 87–89; and Jane Bernstein, Music Printing in Renaissance Venice: The Scotto Press (1539–1572) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 14, 111, 116–17. According to Bernstein, “the Venetian Senate refused to grant a privilege for a pressrun of fewer than 400 copies (p. 14).” Both Lewis and Bernstein indicate that commissioned print runs were likely to be ca.500 copies, typical pressruns ca.1,000 copies, and popular titles between 2,000–3,000 copies.

[4] In the general period of Monteverdi’s 1610 print, the most valuable extant catalogues are those of Giacomo and Alessandro Vincenti, published by Geneviève Thibault as Indice di tutte l’opere di musica che si truova alla stampa della Pigna. In Venetia, Appresso Giacomo Vincenti, 1591 in “Deux catalogues de libraires musicaux: Vincenti et Gardane (Venise 1591),” Revue de musicologie 13 (1929): 177–83; 14 (1930): 7–18; and by Franz Xaver Haberl and Robert Eitner as Indice di tutte le opere di musica che si trovano nella stampa della Pagina [recte Pigna] di Alessandro Vincenti. In Venetia, 1619 and Indice di tutte le opere di musica che si trovano nella stampa della Pigna: di Alessandro Vincenti. In Venetia, 1649, in Beilage zur Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte 15 (1883): 1–50.

[5] This point was repeatedly reinforced in the recent conference Mapping the Post-Tridentine Motet, held at the University of Nottingham, 17–19 April, 2015.

[6] The role of music in the Catholic program of the Habsburg monarchs has been studied especially by Steven Saunders and Andrew Weaver. See Saunders, Cross, Sword and Lyre: Sacred Music at the Imperial Court of Ferdinand II of Habsburg (1619–1637) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995) and Weaver, Sacred Music as Public Image for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III: Representing the Counter-Reformation Monarch at the End of the Thirty Years’ War (Farnham, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2012). See also in this issue of JSCM Massimo Ossi‘s article, “Venus in the House of Mars: Martial Imagery in Monteverdi’s Madrigali guerrieri et amorosi (1638).”

[7] On the financial aspects of Venetian churches and their funding of elaborate performances on major feast days, see Elena Quaranta, Oltre San Marco: Organizzazione e prassi della musica nelle chiese di Venezia nel Rinascimento (Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 1998).

[8] See, for example, the writings of Maurizio Padoan on the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo and the Basilica of Saint Anthony in Padua: La musica in Santa Maria Maggiore a Bergamo nel periodo di Giovanni Cavaccio, 1598–1626 (Como: Antiquae Musicae Italicae Studiosi, 1983); “‘L’armonico bombo’: Organici strumentali al Santo di Padova nel primo barocco,” in Affetti musicali: Studi in onore di Sergio Martinotti, ed. Maurizio Padoan (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 2005), 23–45; “Musici al Santo di Padova nel primo barocco,” in Florilegium musicae: Studi in onore di Carolyn Gianturco, ed. Patrizia Radicci and Michael Burden, 2 vols. (Pisa, Italy: ETS, 2004), 2:757–88.

[9] Among the smaller cities where cathedral churches were located were such towns as Adria, Albano, Camerino, Ceneda, Cento, Cesena, Comacchio, Concordia, Corneto, Crema, Lesina, Montefiascone, Montepulciano, Reatina, San Siro, Sora, Volterra. This list is by no means exhaustive, but only a small sample of the less populous cities where cathedral churches were situated; there were over 300 dioceses in Italy. The website (compiled by David M. Cheney) lists 478 “historical” dioceses in Italy, (accessed July 24, 2015).

[10] Roger Bowers, in “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music in the Household of the Gonzaga Dukes of Mantua,” 357, claims that Monteverdi’s musical resources were such that “he was able to compose music whose performance few other institutions in Italy or anywhere else could realistically contemplate.” This statement is belied not only by the corrections and performance annotations in all of the more complete surviving copies of Monteverdi’s print, as noted below, but also by a large number of prints of vespers music from the same period requiring as large or even larger forces than Monteverdi’s. All these prints had to be marketable to a sizeable enough number of institutions to make the expense of printing and distributing them profitable. Moreover, account records from a number of churches and chapels testify to large celebrations employing numerous singers and instrumentalists on major feast days. A complete catalogue of surviving Italian prints of vespers music from this period by Anne Schnoebelen and myself is cited in ref. 2.

[11] Gombert’s motet was first published in Secundus tomus novi operis musici, sex, quinque et quatuor vocum … Nürnberg, H. Grapheus, 1538 (RISM 15383). Subsequent editions appeared in Primus liber cum sex vocibus … Motetti del frutto a sei voci … Venezia, Antonio Gardane, 1539 (RISM 15393), reprinted in 1549 under the title Excellentiss. autorum diverse modulationes que sub titulo Fructus vagantur per orbem … Liber primus cum sex vocibus (RISM 15492)and in Novum et insigne opus musicum, sex, quinque, et quatuor vocum … Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber, 1558 (RISM 15584). It is most likely that Monteverdi derived the motet from either the 1539 or 1549 Gardane edition, though the musical library in the palace church of Santa Barbara did contain some German motet anthologies. For those that survive (but don’t include the Gombert motet on which Monteverdi based his Mass), see Guglielmo Barblan, compiler, Musiche della Cappella di S. Barbara in Mantova, “Conservatorio di Musica ‘Giuseppe Verdi’—Milano: Catologo della Biblioteca, Fondi speciali 1″(Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 1972).

[12] Bowers, in “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music in the Household of the Gonzaga Dukes of Mantua,” 367, declares that pluribus, in the meaning of “more” is “not quite consistent with the six-part scoring” of several of the Vespers items. But Bowers chooses only one of multiple possible meanings of the word, in order to “prove” the point he wishes to make. It is obvious that pluribus has the meaning here not of “more,” but of “many,” “several,” or “a diverse number” of voices. Monteverdi has selected this word to replace the more typical specific number of voices found ubiquitously on the title pages of sacred music prints of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. I am grateful to Prof. Tim Moore of Washington University for confirming my interpretation of pluribus in the post-classical period.

[13] Various formulas for alternative vocal and instrumental performance are used on title pages. In Latin, tum omnis generis intrumentorum tum ad vocis, tam vocibus quam instrumentis, and tum viva voce tum omnis generis instrumentis, are typical phrases.

[14] I am grateful to Cathy Keane and Tim Moore at Washington University for their assistance and suggestions in interpreting the grammatical issues of the title.

[15] The issue is discussed in detail in Kurtzman, The Monteverdi Vespers of 1610, 11–14.

[16] For a discussion of the evidence regarding motets or instrumental music being performed between psalms in vespers services, see Kurtzman, The Monteverdi Vespers, 23–39, 73–78, 106–10; and Kurtzman, “Per fare il vespro meno tedioso: Don Pietro Maria Marsolo and the ‘Antiphon Problem,'” Essays on Music and Culture in Honor of Herbert Kellman, ed. Barbara Haggh (Paris: Minerve, 2001), 411–21.

[17] Liturgical antiphons for feasts of the Virgin are largely drawn from the Song of Songs, which had been allegorically associated with the Virgin from at least the twelfth century. For a study of the Canticum canticorum and its evolving exegeses, see Roland E. Murphy, The Song of Songs (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990).

[18] I am grateful to Joshua Rifkin for calling my attention to the initials.

[19] The majority of prints dedicated to popes were addressed to Paul V (the dedicatee of Monteverdi’s print), Urban VIII, and Clement VIII.

[20] See, for example, Asola’s Nova Vespertina omnium solemnitatum Psalmodia cum Cantico Beatae Virginis octonis vocibus … Venezia, Ricciardo Amadino, 1599 (RISM A2568).

[21] In the same year, Bianchi’s Libro primo de motetti was dedicated both to Iddio nostro Signore and to Pope Paul V. Both of Bianchi’s 1620 prints also contain music by Monteverdi.

[22] I am grateful to Prof. Emerita Kristine Wallace of Rice University for the translation.

[23] See Claudio Monteverdi, Claudio Monteverdi: Lettere, dediche e prefazioni, ed. Domenico De’ Paoli (Rome: Edizioni de Santis, 1973), 50–53; Monteverdi, Claudio Monteverdi: Lettere, ed. Eva Lax (Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 1994), 31–33; Monteverdi, The Letters of Claudio Monteverdi, trans. Denis Stevens, rev. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 71–72. For the sake of brevity, subsequent references to these editions will refer to them by the name of the editor/translator.

[24] That Monteverdi’s print was received by the Pope is demonstrated by the survival in the Biblioteca Doria Pamphilij of a copy of the Altus partbook with handwritten corrections (subsequently incorporated as printed paste-overs later in the print run), bound in leather with the pope’s coat of arms embossed on the cover.

[25] See Monteverdi’s letters of December 28, 1610, and January 22, 1611, in De’ Paoli, Claudio Monteverdi: Lettere, 50–53 (December 28 only); Lax, Claudio Monteverdi: Lettere, 31–34; Stevens, The Letters of Claudio Monteverdi, 68–76.

[26] Hans Redlich, “Monteverdi’s Religious Music,” Music & Letters, 27, no. 4 (October 1946): 210; Denis Arnold, Monteverdi (London: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1963), 137; De’ Paoli, Claudio Monteverdi: Lettere, 50.

[27] See Monteverdi’s letters of October 27, 1604, December 2, 1608, February 29, 1620, and March 13, 1620, in De’ Paoli, Claudio Monteverdi: Lettere, 20–23, 33–39, 141–43, 148–54; Lax, Lettere, 14–16, 20–24, 87–88, 92–96; and Stevens, The Letters, 31–36, 48–54, 179–81, 188–94.

[28] On Monteverdi’s appointment at St. Mark’s, see Kurtzman, The Monteverdi Vespers of 1610, 52–54; on Pellegrini see Robert L. Kendrick, The Sounds of Milan, 1585–1650 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 33–34;on Cossoni, see Irene de Ruvo, “Carlo Cossoni prete: Maestro di cappella del Duomo di Milano,” and Pierangelo Gobbi, “Cossoni e D’Alessandri: Le prove del concorso del 1684,” in Carlo Donato Cossoni nella Milano spagnola: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Conservatorio di Como, 11–13 giugno 2004, ed. Davide Daolmi (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 2007), 35–56, 57–66. Another case that has recently been documented is Ignazio Donati’s appointment in Casalmaggiore in 1621. See Fred Curtis Kiser, “A Scholarly Edition of Ignazio Donati’s Salmi Boscarrecci” (DMA diss., University of Iowa, 2010), 18–21.

[29] Lodovico Viadana seems to be a case in point; his title pages reveal a peripatetic composer frequently moving from one monastic location to another. Whether this had anything to do with his personality is unknown, but Viadana is not the only monk-musician to have moved from one monastery of his order to another with some frequency.

[30] Monteverdi’s activity as a composer of sacred music at the Gonzaga court is discussed in Jeffrey Kurtzman, “The Mantuan Sacred Music,” in The Cambridge Companion to Monteverdi, ed. Whenham and Wistreich, 141–47; and Kurtzman, “Monteverdi’s Missing Sacred Music: Evidence and Conjectures,” in Muzykolog wobec świadectw źródłowych i dokumentów: Księga pamiątkowa dedykowana Profesorowi Piotrowi Poźniakowi w 70. rocznicę urodzin/The Musicologist and Source Documentary Evidence: A Book of Essays in Honour of Professor Piotr Poźniak on his 70th Birthday, ed. Zofia Fabiańska, Jakub Kubieniec, Andrzej Sitarz, Piotr Wilk (Kraków: Musica Iagellonica, 2009), 187–208. Monteverdi’s activities as a sacred musician in Mantua are also discussed by Roger Bowers in his highly problematic articles, “Monteverdi at Mantua,” and “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music.”

[31] De’ Paoli, Claudio Monteverdi: Lettere, 18; Lax, Claudio Monteverdi: Lettere, 14; Stevens, The Letters, 30.

[32] Bowers, “Monteverdi at Mantua,” 55 and “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 343. Licia Mari, Vice-Director of the Diocesan Archive at Mantua, and I presented a paper at the Sixteenth Biennial International Conference on Baroque Music in Salzburg, Austria in July 2014 demonstrating the invalidity of Bowers’ theses regarding the church of Santa Croce, which will be much expanded for later publication.

[33] See especially Stefano L’Occaso, “Santa Croce in corte: Palazzo Ducale,” Quaderni di San Lorenzo 3 (2005): 7–35; L’Occaso, “Studi sul Palazzo Ducale in Mantova nel Trecento,” Atti e memorie dell’Accademia Nazionale Virgiliana di Mantova, nuova serie 70 (2002): 135–67; L’Occaso, “Santa Croce in corte e la devozione dei Gonzaga alla Vera Croce,” in Rubens, Eleonora de’ Medici e l’oratorio sopra Santa Croce: Pittura devota a corte, catalogo della mostra (Mantova), ed. Filippo Trevisani and Stefano L’Occaso (Milan: Electa, 2005), 23–32. Bowers has simply dismissed L’Occaso’s detailed and carefully researched studies and conclusions without a word of critique to justify ignoring them.

[34] Paolo Fabbri, Monteverdi, trans. Tim Carter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 109.

[35] See De’ Paoli, Lettere, 50.

[36] Susan Parisi, “New Documents Concerning Monteverdi’s Relations with the Gonzagas,” in Claudio Monteverdi: Studi e prospettive, Atti del Convegno Mantova, 21–24 ottobre 1993, ed. Paola Besutti, Teresa M. Gialdroni and Rodolfo Baroncini (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1998), 495.

[37] Fabbri, Monteverdi, 57.

[38] See Paola Besutti, “Spaces for Music in Late Renaissance Mantua,” in The Cambridge Companion to Monteverdi, eds. Whenham and Wistreich, 94.

[39] “Favorì nell’entrare del presente anno M.DC.VII. il Pontefice Paolo, la Chiesa di Sant’Andrea in Mantova, per rispetto del pretiosissimo Sangue di Christo, d’indulgenze molto ragguardevoli durante in perpetuo, ad istanza del Serenissimo; e fra l’altre, ne’ giorni di Sant’Andrea, dell’Ascensione, di Nostro Signore, e per la notte del venerdi santo, è plenaria.” See Ippolito Donesmondi, Dell’istoria ecclesiastica di Mantova … parte seconda (Mantua: Aurelio and Lodovico Osanna fratelli, 1616), 409. In my book, The Monteverdi Vespers of 1610, 15, 44, 46, I misread Donesmondi’s account (quoted in a footnote) as indicating that Pope Paul had actually visited Mantua himself on this occasion. However, the diary of the papal master of ceremonies, Paolo Alaleona shows that Pope Paul remained in Rome or its vicinity for all of late 1606 and 1607. In his “Claudio Monteverdi and Sacred Music,” 359, Bowers refers to “the state visit to Mantua by Pope Paul V in 1607,” without citing any source for this information. Since my book is the only source to have suggested such a visit, Bowers must have taken it from there without citation.

[40] See Stefano Davari, “Notizie biografiche del distinto Maestro di Musica Claudio Monteverdi,” Atti e Memorie della R. Accademia Virgiliana di Mantova (1885): 100; and Emil Vogel, “Claudio Monteverdi,” Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft 3 (1887): 356.

[41] See Kurtzman, The Monteverdi Vespers, 43–46, including the arguments of Denis Stevens and Peter Holmon on behalf of this thesis.

[42] A large painting of Santa Barbara being slain by her father, executed in 1566, adorns the back of the apse of the church, behind the high altar.

[43] See the discussion of the debate over Duo seraphim in Kurtzman, The Monteverdi Vespers of 1610, 20–33.

[44] Rita Maria Comanducci, “‘L’altare Nostro de la Trinità’: Masaccio’s Trinity and the Berti Family,” The Burlington Magazine 145, no. 1198 (January 2003): 14–21.

[45] Besutti, “Spaces for Music in Late Renaissance Mantua,” 94.

[46] Susan Parisi, “Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua, 1587–1627: An Archival Study” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1989), 162, 209. See also Iain Fenlon, Music and Patronage in Sixteenth-Century Mantua, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 1:120–23, where a photograph of Rubens’s painting is also found.

[47] Paola Besutti, “‘Ave Maris Stella’: La tradizione mantovane nuovamente posta in musica da Monteverdi,” in Claudio Monteverdi: Studi e prospettive, eds. Besutti et al., 57–78.

[48] David Crook, “The Exegetical Motet,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 68, no. 2 (Summer 2015): 255–316. Crook’s article concerns motets inserted into the mass, but there is no reason that the same principles would not have applied to the Office Hours, whose themes and focus are the same as the mass for the feast. All of the services for a given feast comprise a unified liturgical function with numerous cross references.

[49] See Susan Parisi, “The Jewish Community and Carnival Entertainment at the Mantuan Court in the Early Baroque,” in Music in Renaissance Cities and Courts: Studies in Honor of Lewis Lockwood, ed. Jessie Ann Owens and Anthony M. Cummings (Warren, Mich.: Harmonie Park Press, 1997), 293–305, at 297.

[50] Another, perhaps more remote, possibility is that the print was financed, or financing was arranged, by Monteverdi’s close friend, the nobleman Alessandro Striggio (the younger), a member of the Mantuan Academia degli Invaghiti and the Gonzaga court secretary from June 1611. Striggio, son of the Renaissance madrigalist also named Alessandro, had had his father’s last three books of five-part madrigals published by Angelo Gardano in 1596 and 1597 (RISM S6973, S6974 and S6975). See Barbara Russano Hanning, Grove Music Online, s.v. “Striggio, Alessandro [Alessandrino] (ii),” (accessed July 24, 2015).

[51] The copies at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich and the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek in Berlin (RISM U117) each preserve only two partbooks, but the copy at the Jagellonian Library in Cracow is lacking only the Basso Primo Choro, a copy of which survives at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. See Aleksandra Patalas, Catalogue of Early Music Prints from the Collections of the Former Preußische Staatsbibliothek in Berlin. Kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow (Cracow: Musica Iagellonica, 1999), 363.

[52] Emilio Maggini, ed., Lucca, Biblioteca del Seminario: Catalogo delle musiche stampate e manscritte del fondo antico (Milan: Istituto Editorial Italiano, 1965), 8–11.

[53] The library’s letters mentioning Monteverdi’s name, some of which have lists of prints sent to Padre Martini, are indexed in Anne Schnoebelen, Padre Martini’s Collection of Letters in the Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale in Bologna: An Annotated Index (New York: Pendragon Press, 1979). I am grateful to Alfredo Vitolo, Librarian of the Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica di Bologna (formerly Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale) for checking the letters themselves for me.

[54] I am grateful to Allen Scott and Tomasz Jez for their generosity in providing detailed information concerning the Rhediger collection and its peregrinations, and to Dr. Jez for an advance copy of his article “La Biblioteca Rhedigeriana di Wroclaw (Breslavia): Una collezione unica delle stampe italiane del primo Seicento,” in Barocco Padano 7: Atti del XV Convegno internazionale sulla musica italiana nei secoli XVII-XVIII, Milano 14-16 luglio 2009, ed. Alberto Colzani, Andrea Luppi and Maurizio Padoan, (Como: A.M.I.S., 2012), 377–98.

[55] See, for example, the preface to LE NVOVE | MVSICHE | DI GIVLIO CACCINI | DETTO ROMANO. | [Printer’s mark] | IN FIRENZE | APPRESSO I MARESCOTTI | MDCI [Florentine style] (RISM C6); facs. ed. Piero Miola (Florence: Studio per edizioni scelte, 1983); modern ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock (Madison, Wis.: A-R Editions, Inc., 1970); and Francesco Rognoni, SELVA | DE VARII PASSAGGI | SECONDO L’VSO MODERNO | per cantare, & suonare con ogni sorte de Stromenti | … IN MILANO, Appresso Filippo Lomazzo. M.DC.XX; facs. ed. Guglielmo Barblan (Bologna: Arnaldo Forni Editore, 1978).

[56] Giovanni Luca Conforti, SALMI PASSAGGIATI SOPRA TVTTI I TONI | CHE ORDINARIAMENTE CANTA | SANTA CHIESA. | Ne i Vesperi, della Domenica, & ne i giorni festiui | di tutto l’anno, | Con il Basso Sotto per Sonare, et cantare con Organo, ò con | altri Stromenti. | Ne i quali esercitando quei che cantano, non solamente si asuefarano à cantar | sicuri, & con gratia, ma anco in breue acquisteranno la dispositione | per sapere ben passaggiare in ogni sorte di note. | Li quali, anco possono seruire per quelli, che leggiadramente vogliono sonare di | viola violino, ò daltri ŝtromenti da fiato. | Fatti da GIO. LVCA CONFORTI della Città di Mileto, Cantore | nella Capella di N.S. Papa CLEMENTE VIII. | Libro Primo. | [Ecutecheon of dedicatee] | IN ROMA, | Per li Heredi di Nicolò Mutij. M D C I. | Con licenza de’ Superiori. Conforti published three such books in 1601, 1602, and 1603, for soprano, tenor, and bass respectively (RISM C3498). The soprano book was republished in 1607 (RISM C3499) and 1618 (RISM C3500). Francesco Severi, SALMI PASSAGGIATI PER TVTTE LE VOCI | NELLA MANIERA CHE SI CANTANO IN ROMA | SOPRA I FALSI BORDONI DI TVTTI I TVONI ECCLESIASTICI | Da cantarsi ne i Vespri della Domenica | e delli giorni festiui di tutto l’Anno | Con alcuni Versi di Miserere sopra il Falso Bordone del Dentice | Composti da Francesco Seueri Perugino Cantore nella Capp. di N.S. Papa Paolo V. | LIBRO PRIMO | [Escutcheon of dedicatee] | In Roma da Nicolò Borboni l’Anno M.DC.XV. con licenza de Superiori & con Priuil.o (RISM S2847, SS2847). Ottavio Durante, ARIE DEVOTE | Le quali contengono in se la Maniera di cantar | con gratia, l’imitation delle parole, et il modo | di scriuer passaggi, et altri affetti | Nouam.te composti da Ottauio Durante Romano | [Escutcheon of dedicatee] | In Roma appresso Simone Verouio 1608 | Con Licenza de Superiori | Christophorus Blumius fecit. (RISM D3975).

[57] F. IO. FRANCISCI | CAPELLO VENETI | Fesulanæ Congregationis Filij | SACRORVM CONCENTVVM | Vnica, & Duabus Vocibus | Cum Litanijs B. Virginis Mariæ | OPVS PRIMVM. | [Printer’s mark] | Venetijs, apud Ricciardum Amadinum, | M. DCX. (RISM C902). For a study of Capello, see Jeffrey Kurtzman, “Giovanni Francesco Capello, an Avant-Gardist of the Early Seventeenth Century,” Musica Disciplina 31 (1977), 155–82.

[58] The foundational study of echo technique in music of this period is Theodor Kroyer, “Dialog und Echo in der alten Chormusik,” Jahrbuch der Bibliothek Peters 16 (1909): 13–32.

[59] Grandi’s first book of motets has been published in a critical edition by Steven Saunders and Dennis Collins, Alessandro Grandi: Opera Omnia: Il primo libro de motetti a due, tre, quattro, cinque, & otto voci, con una Messa à quattro (1610), “Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae” 112 (n.p.: American Institute of Musicology, 2010).

[60] The most extensive study of music in confraternities is Jonathan Glixon’s Honoring God and the City: Music at the Venetian Confraternities, 1260–1807 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). Such an elaborate musical celebration for the feast of St. Roche in 1608 at the Scuola San Rocco, which had its own altar in its magnificent upper chamber, is described in some detail by the English traveler Thomas Coryat in Coryat’s Crudities, 2 vols. (London, 1611), 1:390–91. The passage, which has frequently been reproduced, can be found in Glixon, Honoring God and the City, 157–58.

[61] See especially Howard E. Smither, A History of the Oratorio, I: The Oratorio in the Baroque Era: Italy, Vienna, Paris (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1977), 39–206.

[62] See ref. 16.

[63] Beata mater is indicated by Agostini as the antiphon at the Magnificat, and seems to come from Roman sources, although the Magnificat antiphon in the 1568 Breviarium Romanum of Pius V is Sancta Maria succurre miseris.

[64] At the recent conference Mapping the Post-Tridentine Motet at the University of Nottingham, numerous speakers referred to the interpolation of non-canonic motets into liturgical services throughout Europe. Details will be available in the selection of individual papers to be published by the conference’s organizers.

[65] This is true for both sacred and secular prints. St. Mark’s composers, for example, frequently included the Cinque laudate psalms peculiar to the liturgy of the ducal basilica in psalm collections destined for a large market. Monteverdi’s own Madrigali guerrieri et amorosi of 1638 contains three compositions (Altri canti d’Amor, Ogni amante è guerriero, and Movete al mio bel suon) directed explicitly to emperor Ferdinand III.

[66] David Blazey, “A Liturgical Role for Monteverdi’s Sonata sopra Sancta Maria,” Early Music 17, no. 2 (May 1989): 174–82. The article is based upon Blazey’s Ph.D. dissertation, “The Litany in Seventeenth-Century Italy” (University of Durham, 1990). Earlier, Walter Goehr, in his edition of the Vespers, considered the Sonata sopra Sancta Maria as an antiphon-substitute for the Magnificat on the same textual basis as Blazey. See Claudio Monteverdi, Vespro della Beata Verginie/Marienvesper, ed. Walter Goehr (Vienna: Universal Edition, 1955). In their first recordings of the Vespers, both Jürgen Jürgens (Telefunken AWT 9501/02, 1967) and Andrew Parrott (EMI DSB 3963; EMI 27-0129-1/27-0130-1; EMI 270129; EX 27 0129; CDC 7 47078/9, 1984) also placed the sonata in this position.