References

* Stephen R. Miller (smiller@sewanee.edu) is Professor of Music at the University of the South in Sewanee, Tennessee, where he has taught since 1995 in both the Music Department and various interdisciplinary programs, including environmental studies. He serves as Chair of the Music Department and as Sewanee’s liaison to the Watson Foundation. His research interests include liturgical music of the early modern period and Sacred Harp singing. His edition entitled Francesco Foggia: Masses is scheduled for publication with A-R Editions in 2017.

[1] Manfred Bukofzer, Music of the Baroque Era (New York: W.W. Norton, 1947), 69–70; Claude Palisca, Baroque Music, 3rd ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1991), 59; New Oxford History of Music, vol. 5, Opera and Church Music, 1630-1750, ed. Anthony Lewis and Nigel Fortune (London: Oxford University Press, 1975), 366–68.

[2] George J. Buelow, A History of Baroque Music (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2004), 41–48.

[3] Richard Taruskin, The Oxford History of Western Music, 6 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); see, for instance, vol. 1, The Earliest Notations to the Sixteenth Century, 666–70, 687, 738; and vol. 2, The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, 180, 356–57.

[4] The work is Baldassar Sartori’s O magnum mysterium; see Taruskin, Oxford History of Western Music, 1:667–69. Sartori, a tenor, entered the papal choir in 1698; see Andrea Adami, Osservazioni per ben regolare il coro dei cantori della Cappella Pontificia (Rome: Antonio de Rossi, 1711; reprint, Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana Editrice, 1988), 214.

[5] Buelow, A History of Baroque Music, 41.

[6] See Noel O’Regan, “The Church Triumphant: Music in the Liturgy,” in The Cambridge History of Seventeenth-century Music, ed. Tim Carter and John Butt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 295–98; Stephen Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome: Messe piene, the Palestrina Tradition, and the Stile antico” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1998), ch. 2, “Questions on the Reception of the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 49–80; and Miller, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. “Stile antico,” vol. 24, 390.

[7] For some of the earliest Romans working with the stile antico who nonetheless postdate the early Baroque—for instance, Liberati (1617–92) and Pitoni (1657–1743)—see O’Regan, “The Church Triumphant,” 298.

[8] Through the ’70s and ’80s their most crucial monographs and articles for seventeenth-century Roman sacred music include Dixon, “Liturgical Music in Rome, 1605–45” (Ph.D. diss., Durham University, 1981); Dixon, Carissimi (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); Lionnet, “Una svolta nella storia del Collegio dei Cantori Pontifici,” Nuova rivista musicale italiana 17, no. 1 (January 1983): 72–103; Lionnet, “La musique à Saint-Louis des Français de Rome au XVII siècle,” Note d’archivio, n.s. 3 (1985), supplement (entire volume); Lionnet, “Performance Practice in the Papal Chapel during the 17th Century,” Early Music 15, no. 1 (February 1987): 3–15; Arnaldo Morelli, “Le cappelle musicali a Roma nel Seicento: Questioni di organizzazione e di prassi esecutiva,” in La cappella musicale nell’Italia della Controriforma: Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi nel IV Centenario di fondazione della Cappella Musicale di S. Biagio di Cento . . . 1989, ed. Oscar Mischiati and Paolo Russo, Quaderni della Rivista italiana di musicologia 27 (Florence: Olschki, 1993), 175–203; Morelli, ed., Catalogo del fondo musicale della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Vittorio Emanuele II di Roma (Rome: Consorzio IRIS per la Valorizzazione dei Beni Librari, 1989); O’Regan, “Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome, 1575–1621” (D.Phil. diss., Oxford, 1988). Also, each of these four contributed a substantial paper in Lino Bianchi and Giancarlo Rostirolla, eds., Atti del II convengo internazionale di studi palestriniani: Palestrina e la sua presenza nella musica e nella cultura europea dal suo tempo ad oggi (Palestrina: Fondazione Palestrina, 1991).

[9] Wolfgang Witzenmann, with the Deutsches Historisches Institut, undertook substantial studies of music at San Giovanni in Laterano (these publications are cited in several references below), and supported other scholars’ work on Roman sacred music. Giancarlo Rostirolla has had leadership roles with both the Istituto di Bibliografia Musicale (known as “Ibimus”) and the Fondazione Palestrina. Ibimus, a research center in Rome associated with the RISM project, has catalogued thousands of manuscripts essential to scholars’ efforts to create some bibliographical order for the vast repertory of seventeenth-century sacred music. The Fondazione Palestrina in recent decades has helped to evaluate Palestrina’s legacy. Examples for Foggia are cited in the references below, but also see the edition and collection of essays for an earlier Roman composer: Ruggero Giovannelli, Composizioni sacre, ed. Paolo Teodori, Musica e Musicisti nel Lazio ’400–’800, Fonti Musicali 2 (Palestrina: Fondazione Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, 1992); Carmela Bongiovanni and Giancarlo Rostirolla, eds., Ruggero Giovannelli, “musico eccellentissimo e forse il primo del suo tempo”: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi … 1992 (Palestrina: Fondazione Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, 1998).

[10] Two Americans whose work on the liturgical music of seventeenth-century Rome preceded the founding of the SSCM also deserve mention: Thomas D. Culley, a Jesuit who did extensive archival studies in Rome during the 1960s (see his research relevant to Foggia’s early years in par. 2.3 above), and Laurence Feininger. Feininger initiated the first modern musicological research on the seventeenth-century Roman repertory. His codicological studies from the 1960s and ’70s have yet to be surpassed. He did not simply study the Roman sources; he collected and preserved dozens of them as well, and they remain available for consultation in Trent which was, until his untimely death in 1976, his home base for research. For more on this fascinating expatriate musicologist and composer, see Danilo Curti and Fabrizio Leonardelli, eds., La biblioteca musicale Laurence K.J. Feininger (Trent: Provincia Autonoma di Trento/Servizio Beni Culturali, 1985), and Edward Lowinsky’s obituary for him in The Musical Quarterly 63, no. 3 (July 1977): 327–66. This obituary also details some of the sleuthing and acquisitions that allowed Feininger to piece back together the dispersed seventeenth-century repertory from the Roman church of S. Spirito. Feininger summarizes these discoveries in a two-part publication: Membra disjecta reperta, Acta Societatis Universalis Sanctae Ceciliae 3 (Trent: Tipografia Artigianelli, 1964) and Membra disjecta conjuncta, Acta Societatis Universalis Sanctae Ceciliae 4 (Trent: Tipografia Aor, 1966).

[11] Their most crucial monographs and articles for seventeenth-century Roman sacred music include Murata, Operas for the Papal Court, 1631–1668 (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1981); Murata, “Pasqualini riconosciuto,” in “Et facciam dolçi canti”: Studi in onore di Agostino Ziino in occasione del suo 65. Compleanno, ed. Bianca Maria Antolini, Teresa M. Gialdroni, and Annunziato Pugliese (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 2003), 655–86; Stein, “Between Key and Mode: Tonal Practice in the Music of Giacomo Carissimi” (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 1994); Montford, “Music in the Convents of Counter-Reformation Rome” (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1999); Montford, “L’Anno santo and Female Monastic Churches: The Politics, Business and Music of the Holy Year in Rome (1675),” Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 6, no. 1 (2000) [http://sscm-jscm.org/v6/no1/montford.html]; Paquette-Abt, “A Professional Musician in Early Modern Rome: The Life and Print Program of Fabio Costantini, c.1579–c.1644” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 2003); Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983); Hammond, Music and Spectacle in Baroque Rome: Barberini Patronage under Urban VIII (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994); Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome: Messe piene, the Palestrina Tradition, and the Stile antico” (Ph.D. diss, University of Chicago, 1998); Miller, “Palestrina and the Seventeenth-Century Mass at Rome: Re-use, Reference, and Synthesis,” in La recezione di Palestrina in Europa fino all’ Ottocento, ed. Rodobaldo Tibaldi, Società Italiana di Musicologia, Strumenti della ricerca musicale 6 (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1999), 67–103; Miller, “On Common Ground: Palestrina, Musica commune, and Seventeenth-Century Roman Sacred Music,” in Palestrina e l’Europa: Atti del III convegno internazionale di studi, ed. Giancarlo Rostirolla, Stefania Soldati, and Elena Zomparelli (Fondazione Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, 2006), 1037–60.

[12] Reardon, Agostino Agazzari and Music at Siena Cathedral, 1597–1641 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993); Freitas, Portrait of a Castrato: Politics, Patronage, and Music in the Life of Atto Melani (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Frandsen, Crossing Confessional Boundaries: The Patronage of Italian Sacred Music in Seventeenth-Century Dresden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).

[13] In addition to Frandsen’s book, see her article “‘Schütz and the Young Italians at the Dresden Court’ Revisited: Roman Influences in O bone Jesu, fili Mariae virginis (SWV 471),” Schütz-Jahrbuch 26 (2004): 133–54.

[14] De Lucca, “‘Dalle sponde del Tebro alle rive dell’Adria’: Maria Mancini and Lorenzo Onofrio Colonna’s Patronage of Music and Theater between Rome and Venice (1659–1675)” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2009); John Walter Hill, Roman Monody, Cantata, and Opera from the Circles around Cardinal Montalto, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997).

[15] In addition to the numerous articles that Kurtzman and Schnoebelen have published in these areas, two of their contributions are encyclopedic in scope: the twenty-volume series Seventeenth-Century Italian Sacred Music (New York: Garland, 1995–2003) and A Catalogue of Mass, Office, and Holy Week Music Printed in Italy, 1516–1770, JSCM Instrumenta 2 (http://sscm-jscm.org/instrumenta/instrumenta-volumes/instrumenta-volume-2/).

[16] Such exceptions might include Reardon’s book on Agazzari or Freitas’s on Melani, but neither musician was Roman or had a career predominantly in Rome. An example of what is valuable along these lines is Graham Dixon, “Lorenzo Ratti (1589/90–1630): Exemplum Virtutum,” Note d’archivio, n.s. 2 (1984): 7–20.

[17] Giovanni Maria Nanino, his younger brother Giovanni Bernardino Nanino, and Paolo Agostini were from Vallerano, the Antonelli brothers from Fabrica, Domencio Massentio from Ronciglione, Giovanni Boschetto Boschetti from Viterbo, and Soriano from Soriano (sometimes known as Soriano nel Cimino). These towns all nestle together just 30–40 miles northward of Rome, between the lakes of Bracciano and Bolsena. Most of these Roman maestri and their hometowns are identified as such in a dedication that Agostini addressed to his fellow citizens of Vallerano. See his Libro quarto delle messe in spartitura (Rome: Giovanni Battista Robletti, 1627), quoted in José Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, I: Manoscritti e edizioni fino al ’700, Studi e Testi 265 (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1971), 201–2. Two articles that help to explain the connection between the Roman cappelle and these outlying villages are Jean Lionnet, “Un musicista del Viterbese a Roma, un musicista romano nel Viterbese: Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia” in Musica e musicisti nel Lazio, ed. Renato Lefevre and Arnaldo Morelli, Lunario Romano 15 (Rome: F.lli Palombi, 1985), 269–91, and Galliano Ciliberti, “Organizzazione musicale e orientamenti stilistici nello Stato Pontificio post-tridentino,” Rivista internazionale di musica sacra 11, no. 4 (October 1990): 343–55.

[18] Alberici, the family name of Foggia’s mother, is a variant spelling of another family active in seventeenth-century Roman sacred music. Vincenzo Albrici, the best known of this family, studied and sang at the German College in the 1640s and had a significant career north of the Alps; see Frandsen, Crossing Confessional Boundaries, 25–26. Mary Paquette-Abt has brought to light documentation on Albrici’s childhood and has enriched our understanding of the connections between the Albrici and the Costantini, another important family in seventeenth-century Roman sacred music; see Paquette-Abt, “A Professional Musician in Early Modern Rome.” Fabio Costantini, the chief anthologizer of seventeenth-century Rome, was Vincenzo Albrici’s grandfather, and, owing to his long stint as maestro at the Orvieto cathedral, had a connection with the region north of Rome, as did the maestri mentioned in the preceding note. It is not currently known how closely related the Alberici and Albrici families may have been.

[19] See Saverio Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia: Vicende biografiche e artistiche,” in Francesco Foggia: “Fenice de’ musicali compositori” nel florido Seicento romano e nella storia, ed. Ala Botti Caselli (Palestrina: Fondazione Palestrina, 1998), 97–99, and Thomas Culley, Jesuits and Music, I: A Study of the Musicians Connected with the German College in Rome during the 17th Century and of their Activities in Northern Europe, Sources and Studies for the History of the Jesuits 2 (St. Louis, Mo.: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1970), 122 and 316.

[20] The parochial records are those of the baptisms for Foggia and his siblings at San Luigi dei Francesi; see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 97–99, 118–19. Foggia himself acknowledged his father’s meager financial circumstances in the preface to the Litaniae et sacrae cantiones of 1652; see Giancarlo Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia musicista romano,” in Francesco Foggia: “Fenice de’ musicali compositori” nel florido Seicento romano e nella storia, ed. Ala Botti Caselli (Palestrina: Fondazione Palestrina, 1998), 54, and Gaetano Gaspari, Catalogo della Biblioteca Musicale G. B. Martini di Bologna, 5 vols. (Bologna: Libreria Romagnoli dall’Acqua, 1892; reprint, Bologna: Forni, 1961), 2:221. The effort by the Foggia family to raise its social standing is similar to that described by Paquette-Abt for the Costantini family; see “A Professional Musician in Early Modern Rome,” 25–27.

[21] Franchi reports that the orthography in the earliest records gives the spelling “Forgia” but that later documents are uniform in reading “Foggia” (see “La famiglia Foggia,” 97n21). This “creative misspelling” helps to correct the common misassumption that Foggia’s family had come from southern Italy, namely from the city of Foggia near the Adriatic; see Carl Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia (1604–1688): Untersuchungen zu seinem Leben und zu seinem Motettenschaffen” (Inaug. diss., Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, 1980), 13.

[22] He was baptized November 17, 1603, as “Johannes Franciscus,” with godparents Count Orazio Carpegna and Donna Virginia Mancini Glorieri, both of the nobility; Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 97. The erroneous claims of his birth in 1604–05 derive from Giuseppe Ottavio Pitoni’s account in his manuscript “Notitia de’ contrapuntisti e compositori di musica” that Foggia died in 1688 “in età matura d’anni 83”; see the edition of Pitoni’s work by Cesare Ruini (Florence: Olschki, 1988), 327. See also Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 13.

[23] Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 94.

[24] Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 92–96, describes the Vallerano connection in detail and cites Manfredo Manfredi’s research in particular: Vallerano e la musica (Rome: Chiricozzi, 1990).

[25] Offertoria quaternis, quinis, senis, octonisque vocibus cum organo, vel sine organo concinenda (Rome: Mascardi, 1681): the preface identifies Foggia as the “glorioso avvanzo del armonico Areopago de Nanini, & Agostini” (all translations here are my own). Also see Bonifatio Gratiani’s Terzo libro de’ motetti a voce sola (Rome: Giacomo Fei, 1664). Amadeo Belmonti, the editor of this volume, dedicates it to Foggia himself and calls attention to his “Antenati, e Maestri Gio. Maria, e Gio. Bernardino Nanini fratelli, e Paolo Agostino Socero.” This publication is also notable for offering the earliest printing yet found of Foggia’s heraldry; see Figure 1 and ref. 124 below. For Pitoni’s reference to Foggia’s matrilineal connections, see the Notitia, 326. Buxtehude’s expectation that his successor as Lübeck organist would wed his daughter was part of a broader pattern of marrying into the business; see Kerala J. Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude: Organist in Lübeck, rev. ed., Eastman Studies in Music 44 (Rochester, N.Y.: Univ. of Rochester Press, 2007), 44–45, 47, 49.

[26] Nanino quit as maestro di cappella at San Luigi in 1608 to take up a similar position at San Lorenzo in Damaso under the patronage of the Cardinal Montalto; see Hill, Roman Monody, Cantata, and Opera, 1:34–35.

[27] Pitoni, who was himself later to serve as maestro di cappella at the German College, mentions Foggia’s activity at this institution “in età puerile” (see Pitoni, Notitia, 326), and the terminus ante quem of 1613 is based on the usual age at which a choirboy’s training commenced. Probable evidence for Foggia’s presence at the College, and for his sponsorship by the Borghese, appears in a letter in the College archives from 1613 that mentions a boy chorister named “Francesco”; see Culley, Jesuits and Music, 122, 150, 316. Culley concludes that the reference is to Foggia, a conclusion also reached by Franchi (“La famiglia Foggia,” 99) and Rostirolla (“Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 30–33).

[28] Culley, Jesuits and Music, 70–76. For a more general view of the training of putti in the seventeenth-century Roman schools, see Bontempi’s retrospective comments in his Historia musica (1695), translated in Lorenzo Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Century, trans. David Bryant (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 61.

[29] Hill, Roman Monody, Cantata, and Opera, 1:50–51, 123–27. It requires further research to determine whether a boy singer documented several times in Hill’s volume simply as “Francesco” might be the young Foggia; see 1:39n102, 129, 327–28.

[30] There were complaints regarding Catalani’s intemperance, lack of attention to the students, and tendency to instruct them more in secular than sacred styles (“più in arie, villanelle et cose simili che in cose di chiesa secondo il bisogno et usanza del collegio”). Culley, Jesuits and Music, 315, and Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 32–33.

[31] Franchi refers to Foggia’s lifelong patronage by German princes and cardinals as “la protezione che Francesco Foggia ebbe fin dall’infanzia” (“La famiglia Foggia,” 112n69). In addition to direct patronage, Foggia’s northern connections are manifest in the diffusion of his music. One of the Concentus ecclesiastici volumes of 1645 was reprinted in Antwerp in 1658 (RISM F1441); see Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 42–43. Exemplars of this print are now scarce, but it did formerly exist in the library of the Collegium Musicum at Groningen; see Frits Noske, Music Bridging Divided Religions: The Motet in the Seventeenth-Century Dutch Republic 2 vols. (Wilhelmshaven: Noetzel, 1989), 1:25. At least six of Foggia’s works, including three masses, are recorded in the Krieger inventory as having been performed in Weissenfels (Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, vols. 53–54). There are but two masses explicitly attributed to Foggia in the inventory, but the incipits reveal that one attributed to Gratiani is in fact Foggia’s Missa In die laetitiae.

[32] Pitoni, Notitia, 326. The Belmonti dedication to Foggia (cited in ref. 25) also mentions Foggia’s service with the Archbishop.

[33] In the dedication of Concentus ecclesiastici duarum, trium, quatuor et quinque vocum (Rome: Ludovico Grignani, 1645). The text appears in the original Latin and in Italian translation in Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 47. For information on Ferdinand Maximilian (1576–1650), a scion of Bavarian nobility whose appreciation of music was nurtured at the Munich cappella directed by Lasso, see Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 16–17.

Foggia dedicated a subsequent volume, the Psalmi quaternis vocibus (Rome: Ignatio de’ Lazari, 1660), to another archbishop of Cologne, this one the nephew of his earlier patron. The dedication to Archbishop Heinrich Maximilian reminds the prelate of Foggia’s service to his uncle.

[34] The reference to Ferdinand II occurs in Belmonti’s dedication (ref. 25 above). For Foggia’s likely connection with one of Ferdinand II’s advisors, see ref. 58 below. Regarding the reference to Archduke Leopold (the son of Ferdinand II), see the dedication of Foggia’s Mottetti et offertorii a due, tre, quattro, e cinque voci (Rome: “per il Successore al Mascardi,” 1673), directed by Caifabri to Foggia himself. Steven Saunders has discovered that in 1641–42 the archduke had his agent Giacinto Cornacchioli in Italy, who tried unsuccessfully to hire either Carissimi or Foggia; see Saunders, “The Antecedents of the Viennese Sepolcro,” in Relazioni musicali tra Italia e Germania nell’età barocco: Atti del VI convegno internazionale sulla musica italiana nei secoli XVII–XVIII (Loveno di Menaggio, 1995), ed. Alberto Colzani (Como, Italy: Antiquae Musicae Italicae Studiosi, 1997), 65–66. Several years later Benevoli is named as the archduke’s maestro di cappella in an anthology compiled by Florido de Silvestris, Has alteras sacras cantiones in unum ab ipso collectas, suavissimis modulis ab eccellentissimis auctoribus concinnatas (Rome: Ludovico Grignani, 1645); see Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:361.

In addition to the Hapsburgs, another possible Germano-Austrian patron from Foggia’s early years was Ludwig of Hesse. The dedication of Messe a tre, quattro, e cinque voci (Rome: Giovanni Angelo Mutii, 1672) to Ludwig’s son, Landgrave Frederick of Hesse, fulfils a double purpose: it reminds Frederick of Foggia’s service to his father (“la memoria dell’antica servitù”), and it thanks Frederick, who was also a cardinal in Rome, for the opportunity to serve in his various titular churches (presumably, this means to direct the special feast-day music; see the list of these titular positions in Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 72). Foggia also enjoyed the support of a Tyrolean family living in Rome, the Altemps. Duke Pietro Altemps served as a guardian of the Archconfraternity of the Sacrosantissimo Crocifisso, one of the institutions in Rome that sponsored oratorios during Lent, and it was probably through his influence that both Francesco Foggia and his son Antonio were hired for many years to set oratorios to music. See Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 112ff., and Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 32n2. Another dedication by Foggia to a member of the German nobility, Johann Frederick, Count of Waldstein, does not make reference to any earlier service: Psalmodia vespertina quinque vocibus concinenda, ad organi sonum accomodata (Rome: Amadeo Belmonti, 1667).

[35] Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 34–35. As for Foggia’s disregard for instruments, we have Pitoni’s claim that he “did not play keyboard instruments [tasti] nor had use for the cembalo or other instruments” (Notitia, 327), and, typical of Roman maestri, Foggia rarely wrote for obbligato instruments. Nonetheless, we should not read Pitoni too literally, for Foggia did play the organ: from his will we learn that he owned an organ (see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 122), and he was occasionally employed as an organist (as, for instance, at Santa Maria Maggiore in 1654; see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 57). Several organ works (“tocatas italianas,” etc.) attributed to “Francisco Fogia” do appear in Barcellona, Biblioteca Central [E-Bc], Ms. 888, but further research is necessary to establish their authenticity; see Felip Pedrell, Catàlech de la biblioteca musical de la Diputació de Barcelona, 2 vols. (Barcelona: Palau de la Diputació, 1909), 2:88, 92. Alexander Silbiger mentions this manuscript in “Keyboard Music by Corelli’s Colleagues: Roman Composers in English Sources,” in Nuovissimi studi Corelliani, ed. Sergio Durante and Pierluigi Petrobelli, Quaderni della Rivista italiana di musicologia 7 (Florence: Olschki, 1982), 255.

[36] Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 35–36. Claims for Foggia’s return to Rome around 1622, such as that found in the MGG must remain hypothetical until more documentation emerges; see Bernhard Schrammek, Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Personenteil, s.v. “Foggia (Familie).”

[37] We should not however discount the substantial contrapuntal training that the most adept singers received. Beyond the common practices of improvised counterpoint over a preexistent melody (e.g., contrappunto alla mente), Hill’s documents reveal that at least on occasion promising singers in the new monodic style received dedicated composition instruction, and Giovanni Bernardino Nanino—whose connection with Foggia has already been noted—even compiled a treatise for this purpose; see Roman Monody, Cantata, and Opera, 1:121–39.

[38] Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 173–89.

[39] Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 175–77.

[40] Pitoni’s information on the hundreds of musicians and composers in the Notitia is not always entirely accurate, but for Foggia we have to lend him greater credence, given their immediate personal connection: the young Pitoni lived for a time with the Foggia family (see ref. 95). Pitoni identifies Cifra as Foggia’s teacher in the entry on Foggia himself (Notitia, 326), as well as in that for Cifra: “Fu [Cifra] compositore d’ingegno assai pronto e veloce che con gran prestezza partoriva composizioni di gran stima; come molte volte ho inteso dire da Francesco Foggia, mio maestro, al quale egli fu per qualche tempo suo scolare” (Notitia, 257–58). Also see Giuseppe Baini, Memorie storico-critiche della vita e delle opere di Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, 2 vols. (Rome: Società Tipografica, 1828), 2:36n474.

[41] On Agostini’s taking over the position as maestro di cappella at San Lorenzo in Damaso from Giovanni Bernardino Nanino, see Hill, Roman Monody, Cantata, and Opera, 1:39 and 169.

[42] The dedication of Octo missae quaternis, quinis, octonis, novenisque vocibus concinendae (Rome: Giacomo Fei, 1663) is directed toward Card. Francesco Barberini: “Dum familiae meae Parentes ceu flumina ad mare ad eiusdem Praecellentissimae Domus obsequium, humile direxerunt iter; Paulusque Augustinus Socrus, ac Praeceptor meus …” More general statements of Foggia’s connection with Agostini occur in Foggia’s Offertoria and Belmonti’s dedication to Foggia of Gratiani’s Terzo libro de’ motetti a voce sola (see ref. 25).

[43] Hill, Roman Monody, Cantata, and Opera, 1:34, and Alberto Cametti, “La scuola dei pueri cantus di S. Luigi dei Francesi in Roma e i suoi principali allievi (1591–1623): Gregorio, Domenico e Bartolomeo Allegri, Antonio Cifra, Orazio Benevoli,” Rivista musicale italiana 22, nos. 3–4 (1915): 593–641. Liberati, in his Lettera of 1685 (p.25), makes the same claim (for the full title of this work, see ref. 151). Cifra also had a stint as maestro at the German College in 1608–9, but this was too early for a meaningful encounter with Foggia; see Culley, Jesuits and Music, 119–20, 142.

[44] Nenna’s setting is in Il sesto libro de madrigali à cinque voci (Venice: Angelo Gardano & Fratelli, 1609), and Cifra’s is in Li diversi scherzi … libro secondo (Rome: Gio. Battista Robletti, 1613). Nenna sets it for five unaccompanied voices, as does Sigismondo d’India in his Libro secondo de madrigali of 1611; the d’India appears in modern edition in The First Five Books of Madrigals for Mixed Voices in Five Parts, ed. John Steele and Suzanne Court, 5 vols. (New York: Gaudia Music and Arts, 1997), 2:29–32. Cifra calls his setting a “madrigaletto à 3” and scores it for two sopranos, bass, and basso continuo. Foggia’s mass borrows much thematic material from the Nenna madrigal, but the scoring of three voices plus basso continuo reflects Cifra’s influence. The madrigal text by Giambattista Marino had been published in the same decade as Nenna’s, in La lira/Le rime (1602 and 1608): see the d’India edition above and Giambattista Marino, Opere, ed. Alberto Rosa (Milan: Rizzoli, 1967), 239.

[45] Of those composers born in the 1570s and ’80s and present in Rome in the 1620s, Agostini (b. 1582) and Cifra (b. 1584) have the most impressive publication records, especially in terms of masses. Cifra published two substantial volumes of masses (1619, 1621), and for Agostini RISM lists no fewer than eight volumes of masses (A412–A419, though most of these volumes comprise just one or two masses; see Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 198–202).

[46] The elder son’s full name was “Paolo Agostino Alfonso Foggia” (see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 101n37), and the names of two other children refer to Cifra: the son Antonio and a daughter Maria Antonia. Another likely case of Foggia’s repaying this debt to Agostini concerns one of the Silvestris anthologies, Floridus concentus sacras continens laudes a celeberrimis musices eruditis auctoribus binis, ternis, quaternis, quinisque vocibus suavissimis modulis concinnatas, ed. Florido de Silvestris (Rome: Andrea Fei, 1643) (RISM 16431). Two of the motets are by Agostini, by then dead almost a decade and a half. Silvestris clearly favored Foggia—another anthology under his editorship published in 1645 both opens and concludes with Foggia works—and the most likely means for him to have obtained works by Agostini was through Foggia’s hands. See Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:360–61, and Gunther Morche, “Francesco Foggia: Sein Beitrag zur konzertierenden Motette,” in Francesco Foggia: “Fenice de’ musicali compositori” nel florido Seicento romano e nella storia, ed. Ala Botti Caselli (Palestrina: Fondazione Palestrina, 1998), 128.

[47] A statistically significant number of Roman maestri in their 40s died in 1629–30. Besides Agostini (ca. 1583–1629) and Cifra (1584–1629), the deceased also included Domenico Allegri (1585–1629), Lorenzo Ratti (1589/90–1630), and Francesco Severi (late 16th century–1630) (for these dates, see s.v., The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie, 2nd ed. [London: Macmillan, 2001]). A reasonable assumption for the cause of at least some of these untimely deaths was the plague, which claimed enormous casualties across the Italian peninsula in 1630–31; see Frederick Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi: A Guide to Research, Garland Composer Resource Manuals 9 (New York: Garland, 1988), 34–35, and Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 488. However, recent research reveals that the city in fact avoided the epidemic, as the papal authorities moved quickly and quarantined the city; see Eugenio Sonnino, “The Population in Baroque Rome,” in Rome, Amsterdam: Two Growing Cities in Seventeenth-Century Europe, ed. Peter van Kessel and Elisja Schulte (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997), 52–59.

[48] Traditional patterns of patronage may have helped Foggia obtain this first post. As previously mentioned, his family had some connections with the ruling Barberini, and in 1628, the year Foggia was hired, the church also acquired a new titular cardinal, Antonio Barberini, nephew of the Barberini pope, Urban VIII. Later, the same cardinal was serving as titular at Santa Maria in Via Lata when Foggia was employed there on a temporary basis (see ref. 70). For an excellent overview of the Barberini cardinal nephews, Francesco and Antonio, see Frederick Hammond, Music and Spectacle in Baroque Rome: Barberini Patronage under Urban VIII (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 26–36.

[49] Pitoni notes Foggia’s position here (Notitia, 326), but the first investigation of actual records from the Orfanelli was Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 20, who notes that Foggia is at a certain point listed both as maestro and organist (a typical arrangement for smaller choirs). For a transcription of pay records from 1628, including Foggia’s salary of three scudi, see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 38–39.

[50] See Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 40, and the thesis cited there, Antonella Rapaccini, “La cappella musicale della cattedrale di Narni dal 1566 al 1666” (Univ. of Bologna, Discipline delle Arti, della Musica e dello Spettacolo, 1984). The earlier, Latin name of Narni is “Narnia.”

[51] The wedding took place in the Agostini house; see Jean Lionnet, “Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia,” 281–82.

[52] Foggia may have stayed in Narni only through 1631, but in 1640, almost a decade later, Foggia’s reputation there was such that the chapter of the cathedral hired a colleague of his as maestro di cappella on his recommendation alone. See Rapaccini, “La cappella musicale della cattedrale di Narni,” and Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 40n41.

[53] Margherita spent her adult years back in Montefiascone: she entered the Benedictine convent of San Pietro there in 1654, took the name Caterina Celeste, and died there in 1688. See Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 42, and Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 105–6.

[54] Agostini, Terzo libro della Messa sine nomine a quattro (Rome: Giovanni Battista Robletti, 1627): “… quella palma ch’è l’ultimo premio de Compositori.” The text occurs in his dedication of the volume to the chapter and canons of San Lorenzo in Damaso.

[55] Graham Dixon, “Liturgical Music in Rome, 1605–45,” 58–76, offers a detailed look at the Trastevere choir. Required reading on the function and formation of seventeenth-century Roman choirs in general is Arnaldo Morelli, “Le cappelle musicali a Roma nel Seicento.”

[56] See Eleonara Simi Bonini, Catalogo del fondo musicale di Santa Maria in Trastevere nell’Archivio del Vicariato di Roma: Tre secoli di musica nella basilica romana di Santa Maria in Trastevere (Rome: Istituto di Bibliografia Musicale, 2000), which supplants the important but provisional catalogue provided by Beekman Cannon, “Music in the Archives of the Basilica of Santa Maria in Trastevere,” Acta musicologica 41, fasc. 3–4 (July 1969): 199–212. Regarding the choir’s financial resources, Dixon (“Liturgical Music in Rome,” 60) notes that these could fluctuate depending on allocations made by the titular cardinal.

[57] See, for instance, the table of contents for the series of Silvestris anthologies reproduced in Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:360–65.

[58] Patronage was likely involved in Foggia’s acquisition of the Trastevere position: the titular cardinal was Franz von Dietrichstein, who served Ferdinand II as diplomat and intermediary with the imperial court musicians; see Steven Saunders, “The Hapsburg Court of Ferdinand II and the Messa, Magnificat et Iubilate Deo a sette chori concertati con le trombe (1621) of Giovanni Valentini,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 44, no. 3 (Autumn 1991): 363. Card. Dietrichstein’s departure as titular in 1636 was followed just a few days later by Foggia’s leaving as well; see Lionnet, “Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia,” 281.

[59] Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 237–39, 610.

[60] An edition of the complete mass appears in Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 717–65.

[61] I-Rvat, Cappella Guilia, XVI.11: “Missae variorum auctorum in concentu quator vocum canendae in Cappella Iulia basilicae Sancti Petri in Vaticano.” The contents of this manuscript choirbook (which does not appear in Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia), include:

fols.1v–20r Pompeo Canicciari Missa
fols. 20v–46r Canicciari Missa
fols.46v–70r Canicciari Missa
fols.70v–93r Francesco Foggia Missa
fols.93v–120r Palestrina M. sine nomine [4 vv., 1567]
fols.120v–146r [Palestrina] M. Aeterna Christi mundi
fols.146v–173r [Palestrina] M. Iste confessor

[62] I-Rsmt, 612.12, a set of manuscript partbooks from the second half of the seventeenth century; in Simi Bonini, Catalogo del fondo musicale di Santa Maria in Trastevere, this is catalogued as  no. 430.

[63] San Giovanni in Laterano has been the seat of the bishop of Rome, that is, the pope, since its original construction under Constantine in the early fourth century. Originally dedicated to “the Savior,” it acquired its current name in the twelfth century when the dedications to Sts. John the Evangelist and the Baptist were added. Up until the Avignon period of the fourteenth century, the popes lived at the Lateran palace that flanks the basilica; the Vatican, on the other side of Rome, became the papal residence only in the following century. The Belmonti dedication (ref. 25 above), uses conventional language in referring to the Lateran as “la Prima Basilica del Mondo.”

[64] Earlier scholarship has been inexact on this point, but the Lateran archives do clarify the date and state Foggia’s monthly salary as 10 scudi; see I-Rsg, “Uscita della Cappella,” Nov., 1636, fol.128r. I was unable to consult these records myself, but Witzenmann generously shared some of his findings with me prior to the publication of his monumental study of the Lateran choir. See Wolfgang Witzenmann, Die Lateran-Kapelle von 1599 bis 1650, Analecta musicologica 40 (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 2008), and his earlier article, “La festa di San Giovanni Evangelista a San Giovanni in Laterano nel Seicento: Disposizione musicale e partecipazione di predicatori,” in La cappella musicale nell’Italia della Controriforma, ed. Oscar Mischiati and Paolo Russo, Quaderni della Rivista italiana di musicologia 27 (Florence: Olschki, 1993), 161–73.

[65] Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 22. Complicating the matter for Santa Maria Maggiore was that their current maestro di cappella, Antonio Maria Abbatini, apparently did not want to give up his post, and hence had to be fired (“che sii levato da mastro di cappella il signore Abbatino”; see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 44). These were difficult times for the Cappella Liberiana, as Benevoli and Cecchelli both had short stints as maestro. The latter was fired in 1648 for “la sua inhabilità e poco merito al servitio della Chiesa”; see John Burke, Musicians of S. Maria Maggiore, Rome, 1600–1700: A Social and Economic Study, published as a monograph in Note d’archivio, n.s., 2 (1984), 102. In 1649–57 the maestro was once again Abbatini.

[66] Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 43–44.

[67] Pitoni, Notitia, 327, says the contract was assigned “con decreto speciale.” Caifabri also notes it in his dedication of Foggia’s Mottetti et offertorii of 1673 (see ref. 34 above).

[68] This figure is based on the list of maestri as given in Baini, Memorie storico-critiche … di Palestrina, 1:70–71n109.

[69] For individual titles of the Foggia motets that appear in anthologies, see Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 55–71. The two Einzeldrucke both carry the title Concentus ecclesiastici and were published by Grignani but do have different contents, dedicatees, etc. (RISM F1439 and F1440); see Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 41–43.

[70] Missa et sacrae cantiones binis, ternis, quaternis, quinisque vocibus concinendae … opus tertium (Rome: Mascardi, 1650 [“anno jubilei”]). Antonio Barberini served as titular cardinal of Santa Maria in Via Lata from 1642 to 1653. One motet from this collection, In tribulationibus (for two sopranos), appears in Foggia, Mottetti, ed. Gunther Morche, Musica e musicisti nel Lazio, Fonti musicali 1 (Palestrina: Fondazione Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, 1988), 97–112.

[71] See Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 268–69, and Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 49–50.

[72] The manuscript in question is a set of parts in I-Rsmt, 613.5, with the full title, “p[er] il S.mo natale con la Piva.” A later exemplar of the same work occurs in the same archive, I-Rsmt, 643.2; see Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 608, and Simi Bonini, Catalogo del fondo musicale di Santa Maria in Trastevere, nos.1954–1955 (where the manuscripts are listed as anonymous). The Lateran archive also has a seventeenth-century set of manuscript exemplars for the mass (I-Rsg, ms. mus. A.324), though the “Piva” title is absent there; see Giancarlo Rostirolla, ed., Wolfgang Witzenmann, intro., L’archivio musicale della Basilica di San Giovanni in Laterano: Catalogo dei manoscritti e delle edizioni (secc. XVI-XX), 2 vols., Pubblicazioni degli archivi di Stato: Strumenti 153 (Roma: Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali: Direzione Generale per gli Archivi, 2002), 1:524. The modern edition, based on readings from several of these sources, appears in Stephen Miller, ed., Francesco Foggia: Masses, Recent Researches in Music of the Baroque Era (Middleton, Wisc.: A-R Editions, forthcoming in 2017).

[73] James Moore, “Liturgical Use of the Organ in Seventeenth-Century Italy: New Documents, New Hypotheses,” in Frescobaldi Studies, ed. Alexander Silbiger (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1987), 351–83.

[74] Foggia’s five-voice motet appears in RISM 16432, ed. Filippo Berretti, Scelta di mottetti di diversi eccellentissimi autori (Rome: Grignani, 1643). Adami (Osservazioni, 78–81) describes the use of Amore Jesu langueo in the papal liturgy for Corpus Christi. Adami’s volume appeared in Rome, 1711; I consulted the facsimile edition: Osservazioni per ben regolare il coro dei cantori della Cappella Pontificia, ed. and intro. Giancarlo Rostirolla (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1988).

[75] In Morelli’s lists of the works performed by the papal choir, the vast majority of masses and motets (above 95%) were composed by members (or designated composers) of the choir itself. See Arnaldo Morelli, “Antimo Liberati, Matteo Simonelli e la tradizione palestriniana a Roma nella seconda metà del Seicento,” in Atti del II convengo internazionale di studi palestriniania, ed. Lino Bianchi and Giancarlo Rostirolla (Palestrina: Fondazione Palestrina, 1991), 295–307.

[76] Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 212–14.

[77] For the secular churches listed here, see Lionnet, “Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia,” 289, and Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 22–23. The convent churches are identified in Montford, “L’anno santo and Female Monastic Churches,” par. 5.1 and Table 1. Also see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 72, for the churches under the protection of the titular Cardinal Frederick of Hesse where Foggia may have served.

[78] Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 57.

[79] For dates of Foggia’s involvement with this Oratory, see Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 21, and Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 56, 79; and for a source of Foggia’s patronage there see ref. 34. For close analysis of Foggia’s oratorios see Ala Botti Caselli, “Gli oratori di Francesco Foggia,” in Francesco Foggia: “Fenice de’ musicali compositori” nel florido Seicento romano e nella storia, ed. Ala Botti Caselli (Palestrina: Fondazione Palestrina, 1998), 315–467. For a more general consideration of Foggia’s contributions within the oratorio genre see Howard Smither, History of the Oratorio, vol. 1, The Oratorio in the Baroque Era: Italy, Vienna, Paris (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1977), 254–55, and Günther Massenkeil, Oratorium und Passion, Handbuch der musikalischen Gattungen, vol. 10, nos. 1–2 (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1998–1999).

[80] On Friday, October 7, 1650, a confraternity from Palombara Terra sponsored a particularly elaborate procession in the midst of which was, according to Giovanni Simone Ruggieri’s description, “Un vago, e pieno concerto di Musici al numero di 16. col Mastro di Capella di S. Gio. Laterano Sig. Francesco Foggia Romano di cui fù la compositione, che si cantava.” See Ruggieri, Diario del SS.mo Giubileo MDCL (n.p., n.d.), 229. (The exemplar consulted was in the Vatican Library.)

[81] Lionnet, “Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia,” 284–85.

[82] Lionnet, “Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia,” 287–88.

[83] Lionnet, “Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia,” 286–87.

[84] An engaging yet detailed treatment of the rivalry appears in Jean Lionnet, “Una svolta nella storia del Collegio dei Cantori Pontifici.”

[85] This was the third child, Maria Antonia, born to Francesco and Eugenia in 1637; see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 100n33.

[86] This decree and its context provide the focus of Lionnet’s “Una svolta nella storia del Collegio dei Cantori Pontifici.” For a paraphrase and slightly modified version of the account, see Miller, “On Common Ground: Palestrina, Musica commune, and Seventeenth-Century Roman Sacred Music,” 1054–58.

[87] Foggia, however, did probably help to draft the Congregazione’s response to the papal choir; see Lionnet, “Una svolta nella storia del Collegio dei Cantori Pontifici,” 82n36.

[88] See Lionnet, “Una svolta nella storia del Collegio dei Cantori Pontifici,” 94–95. The hypothesis of Foggia’s behind-the-scenes influence in 1665–66 involves two factors: a) Foggia’s longtime connections with the Barberini, including his hiring in 1661 as maestro at Card. Francesco Barberini’s titular church of San Lorenzo in Damaso, and b) it was Card. Carlo Barberini who was directly responsible for the papal choir rescinding the interdiction on Benevoli. In the dedication of his Litaniae et sacrae cantiones (1652) to Card. Francesco, Foggia’s surprisingly direct language—he tells the cardinal that the time is overdue to make good on debts to the Foggia family—shows that Foggia was willing to make demands of his Barberini patrons (see Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 273, and Rostirolla, “La vita di Francesco Foggia,” 54). The Barberini family must have received the publication in an agreeable spirit: the partbooks are extant in the Barberini collection at the Vatican Library, bound in pergamena embossed with the Barberini bees and Card. Francesco’s coat-of-arms (I-Rvat, Barb. stampati, N.XIII, 26–30).

[89] Pitoni, Notitia, 327: Foggia “[e]bbe in Roma fortunato grido delle sue composizioni e grand’acclamazione e gloria in tempo della sua virilità, specialmente, ebbe gran onore sotto il pontificato della santa memoria d’Innocenzo X, amorevole della sua virtù.” Much more documentary work must be done in this area, as no direct connection between Foggia and Innocent X or his Pamphili family has yet come to light.

[90] Durante and Abbatini each made one; see Lionnet, “Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia,” 288–89.

[91] For information on names, baptismal and death dates, and other particulars of the Foggia children, see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” passim.

[92] These first three daughters were Margherita (1634–1688), Maddalena (b.1635), and Maria Antonia (b.1637). Lionnet found the notice of Margherita’s dote having been paid under the auspices of the confraternity of Santa Maria di Consolazione (see “Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia,” 289–90). On average, a nun’s dowry would cost a third to a tenth as much as a marriage dowry; see Montford, “Music in the Convents of Counter-Reformation Rome,” 11.

[93] In addition to the benefice at the Lateran, Paolo also possessed a chaplaincy at Sant’Andrea della Valle. Foggia refers in his will to the great cost of these offices: Paolo, he writes, “possede un Benefitiato in S. Gio: Laterano et una Cappellania in S. Andrea della Valle, l’uno e l’altro procuratogli da me con mio gran dispendio.” Franchi discovered the will and transcribes it in “La famiglia Foggia,” 120–23. As a churchman, Paolo had some success independent of his father. In his capacity as “first master of ceremonies” at San Giovanni, he published in the Jubilee year 1675 an Ordo servandus in aperitione portae sanctae Sacrosancti Patriarchii Lateranensis in pervigilio nativitatis D.N. Iesu Christi ineuntis anni MDCLXXV (Rome: Rev. Camerae Apostolicae, 1675). Franchi located a poetic work by Florido de Silvestris, published in 1665, for which Paolo received the dedication; see “La famiglia Foggia,” 119. Paolo was undoubtedly trained in music and at least occasionally performed in Rome (e.g., playing cembalo in an oratorio performance at San Marcello in 1665); see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 118, and Botti Caselli, “Gli oratori di Francesco Foggia,” 393–95.

[94] Regarding a lawsuit against a debtor in which Orsola was involved, and for more details on Olivieri, see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 58n91, and Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 106.

[95] In 1671 the entire Pitoni family, including Giuseppe (then thirteen years of age), his two parents, and three younger siblings, were registered at the Foggia house in the Stato delle Anime; see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 112n66. On the student-teacher relationship between Pitoni and Foggia, also see Baini, Memorie storico-critiche … di Palestrina, 2:55n502, and Marco di Pasquale, “‘Vita et opere del molto eccellente Signor Giuseppe Ottavio Pitoni Romano Maestro di cappella’ nella testimonianza di Girolamo Chiti,” in Musica e musicisti nel Lazio, ed. Renato Lefevre and Arnaldo Morelli, Lunario Romano 15 (Rome: Fratelli Palombi, 1985), 397–420.

[96] Foggia’s monthly salary of 10 scudi at the Lateran is reported in Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 44 (also see ref. 64 above). Foggia’s will reveals several details about the organ—its maker (Giuseppe Caterinozzi), its purchase price, and its inheritor, his son Antonio—but not when he obtained it; see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 122. The purchase of this organ or another may go back many decades, as Frederick Hammond cites a San Marcello record to the effect that in the early 1640s Foggia purchased an organ “from Bonifatij with Bianchi”; see Hammond, Music and Spectacle in Baroque Rome, 314n31.

[97] The house had been in the possession of Foggia’s in-laws, the Agostini family; see Lionnet, “Teofilo Gargari e Francesco Foggia,” 283–84, who proposes an “Arcadian” motivation for the purchase. For a different interpretation of Foggia’s purpose for the Vallerano house, see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 102.

[98] For a sense of how exhausting the life as maestro di cappella could be, see Abbatini’s autobiographical poem describing his life as a Roman maestro with phrases like, “By virtue of my many toils/weary and enfeebled did I finally become” (ll.88–89) and “I have served my masters like a slave,/boiled for the ones, and for the others roast” (ll.124–26). The original Italian version is transcribed in Anne Karin Andrae, Ein römischer Kapellmeister im 17. Jahrhundert: Antonio Maria Abbatini (ca. 1600–1679): Studien zu Leben und Werk (Herzberg: Bautz, 1986), 259–67; the English translation appears in Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Century, 285–92.

[99] Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 46–47, esp. n61. It is notable that Foggia never directed any dedications toward the chapter or archpriest of San Giovanni. By contrast, shortly after becoming maestro at San Lorenzo in Damaso (in 1661) and at Santa Maria Maggiore (in 1677), he dedicated works to prelates involved with the administration of these churches: the Octo missae of 1663, dedicated to Card. Francesco Barberini, the titular of San Lorenzo in Damaso, and the Offertoria of 1681, dedicated to Pietro Bernini, canon of Santa Maria Maggiore.

[100] Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 59–60, plausibly suggests that the smaller choir at San Lorenzo would have performed on just Sundays and other feast days, not the rigorous ferial schedule of the Lateran. The reduced sized of the choir relative to that of the Lateran would also have meant fewer, if any, choirboys to train and house. For musical productions at San Lorenzo earlier in the seventeenth century, particularly extra-liturgical ones sponsored by the vice-chancellor Francesco Barberini, see Hammond, Music and Spectacle in Baroque Rome, 92 and 151–52.

[101] See Eleonora Simi Bonini, Il fondo musicale dell’Arciconfraternita di S. Girolamo della Carità, Quaderni della Rassegna degli Archivi di Stato 69 (Rome: Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali, 1992). For the Barberini connection with San Girolamo della Carità, see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 103n45.

[102] I have found a record of a Barberini payment to Foggia in 1662, though this from the Card. Carlo Barberini: “A di d[ett]o scudi otto m[onet]a p[er] tanti pagati al S.re Fran.o Foggia” (entry of May 10, 1662, in I-Rvat, Arch. Barb., Computisteria, 312–313, “Entrata e uscita [Carlo Barberini], 1660–1664,” fol.67r). See Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 212–13.

[103] Included here are the two books of Concentus ecclesiastici (1645), and then the Missa et sacrae cantiones (1650) and Litaniae et sacrae cantiones (1652). The latter two volumes offer just one liturgical composition each, the Missa La piva and the Marian litany; the other contents are all motets.

[104] These seven volumes, their opus number, date of publication, and scoring follow:

Psalmi op. [5] 1660 4:SATBo
Sacrae cantiones op. 6 1661 2, 3, and 5 vv + org (all but one require two sopranos)
Octo missae op. [7] 1663 4, 5, 8 and 9 vv + org
Sacrae cantiones op. 8 1665 3:ATBo (rubrics provide liturgical assignments)
Psalmodia vespertina op. 13 1667 5:SSATBo
Messe op. 15 1672 3, 4, and 5 vv + org
Letanie op. 16 1672 3, 4, 5, and 6 vv + org

One last volume conforms to the pattern established by those above but postdates them by almost a decade:

Offertoria op. 18 1681 4, 5, 6, and 8 vv + org

As seen from the gap in opus numbers, particularly the four between 8 and 13, Foggia may have published far more than is now extant. Several other publications usually attributed to Foggia are omitted from this tabulation: a second volume of Sacrae cantiones from 1661 (RISM F1446), sometimes identified as op. 7, is probably a phantom (see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 61n107); the Mottetti et offertorii of 1673 was published in Foggia’s honor without his involvement; and the 1675 Messe is also problematic (see par. 4.11 above).

[105] In the dedication Foggia writes, “I am constrained to praise (if insufficiently) the esteem in which you hold virtuosi, especially those of music, of whom you would be the most worthy Maecenas, if Fortune had otherwise endowed you”; see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 73, 75. Numerous sources describe Spagna’s importance to the history of the oratorio; for instance, Lowell Lindgren, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. “Spagna, Arcangelo,” and Margaret Murata, review of L’oratorio musicale italiano e i suoi contesti, ed. Paola Besutti, and Percorsi dell’oratorio romano, da “historia sacra” a melodramma spirituale, ed. Saverio Franchi, in the Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 11 (2005) <http://sscm-jscm.org/v11/no1/murata.html> (accessed  December 20, 2011).

[106] The feast of St. John the Apostle occurs on Dec. 27, and the antiphon Iste est Ioannes is sung in commemoration at the preceding vespers (not a “first vespers” for John, as the previous feast, St. Stephen’s, takes precedence). The other eight-voice mass in the 1663 collection, Missa O quam gloriosum, similarly takes its title from a vespers antiphon, that for the Magnificat on the second vespers of All Saints (Nov. 1). Although no settings of these texts by Foggia have survived (see Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” passim), it is likely that he did compose them for performance at the appropriate vesper services in San Giovanni and that the masses were written ad imitationem also to be sung during those feasts. A similar case is Foggia’s eight-voice Missa Serve bone et fidelis, which exists incomplete in manuscript at the archive of Santa Maria Maggiore. The eight-voice antiphon on which it is based did happen to survive, published in the Offertoria of 1681 (pars. 5.4–5.10). For stylistic analysis of the Missae Iste est Ioannes and O quam gloriosum, see Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 242–51.

[107] The Palestrina motet appears in Le opere complete di Giovanni Pierlvigi da Palestrina, ed. Raffaele Casimiri, 35 vols. (Rome: Fratelli Scalera, 1939), 7:162–70. The Benevoli mass has been edited and published by Laurence Feininger: Missa Tu es Petrus, Monumenta liturgiae polychoralis sanctae ecclesiae romanae, Horatii Benevoli opera omnia, III/3 (Trent: Societas Universalis Sanctae Ceciliae, 1973).

The Palestrina motet was still performed throughout the seventeenth century. The 1665 document that the Roman maestri drafted in response to the papal choir (see par. 3.11 above) uses Palestrina’s Tu es Petrus as an example of a work that would be prohibited by the proposed changes: hence, the maestri clearly believed that members of the Vatican bureaucracy would both recognize it and desire its continued performance. (See Lionnet, “Una svolta nella storia del Collegio dei Cantori Pontifici,” 81–82.) Its continued performance by the cappella at Santa Maria Maggiore is also attested by a late-seventeenth- or early-eighteenth-century set of manuscript partbooks (I-Rsm, box no. 40).

[108] The set of enormous statues of the apostles that flank the nave in San Giovanni today, commissioned in the early eighteenth century, have Sts. Peter and Paul at the front.

[109] See Simi Bonini, Il fondo musicale … di S. Girolamo della Carità, 26. On the importance of five-voice scoring in seventeenth-century Roman masses, see Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 344–56.

[110] “Eccomi alla luce delle Stampe amico Lettore; ne per altro gemei poc’anzi sotto il Torchio, che per comparire oggetto di tue saggie pupille. S’io sia ansiosa di sodisfarti, e compiacerti, ben scorgere lo potrai da quei sospiri, ch’hò sparsi à cento, à cento in queste carte.” A transcription of the full text is available in Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 72–73.

[111] “Non m’è nuovo, ch’hoggi dì ad altro non serve il foglio diretto al Lettore, che per annidare sotto il verde di poche frasi gl’angui de’ livori, il veleno dell’odio, e dell’invidia; è però questo un così detestabile abuso, ch’obliga à condannare communemente la critica della maledicenza, per una giovanile carriera mossa dalla soverchia ambitione di coloro che con quel microscopio riguardano li proprij parti, il di cui cristallo lavorato dalla propria passione fà che le loro farfalle le paiano Aquile, & ogni punto un’Olimpo.”

[112] “… in me ritrovarai soggetti varij, inventioni pellegrine, modulationi diverse, contraponti doppij, rivolti canoni, legature d’ogni sorte, e studio profondo, ti priego à leggere, osservarmi, riflettermi, e compatirmi.”

[113] On the Artusi-Monteverdi debate see Claude Palisca, “The Artusi-Monteverdi Controversy,” in The New Monteverdi Companion, ed. Denis Arnold and Nigel Fortune (London: Faber & Faber, 1985), 127–58, and Suzanne G. Cusick, “Gendering Modern Music: Thoughts on the Monteverdi-Artusi Controversy,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 46, no. 1 (Spring 1993): 1–25.

[114] See Ursula Brett, Music and Ideas in Seventeenth-century Italy: The Cazzati-Arresti Polemic (New York: General Music Publishing Co., 1989); Peter Allsop, Arcangelo Corelli: New Orpheus of Our Times (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 23; and Peter Allsop and Nona Pyron, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. “Arresti, Giulio Cesare.”

[115] See Miller, “On Common Ground: Palestrina, Musica commune, and Seventeenth-Century Roman Sacred Music,” 1049–53. Bibliographical details on Agostini’s set of contrapuntal masses appear in Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 198–202.

[116] The controversy between Kaspar Förster and Paul Siefert, competitors for positions as church musicians in Danzig (now Gdansk), and the eventual involvement of both Scacchi and Micheli is described in Claude Palisca, “Marco Scacchi’s Defense of Modern Music (1649),” in Words and Music: The Scholar’s View, ed. Laurence Berman (Cambridge, Mass.: Department of Music, Harvard University, 1972), 191–204; Jerrold Baab, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. “Seifert, Paul”;  and Claude Palisca and Zygmunt Szweykowski, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. “Scacchi, Marco.”

[117] Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 522–33.

[118] Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 72.

[119] Moreover, there is evidence that Gratiani and Foggia were on friendly terms: Amadeo Belmonti’s dedication of Gratiani’s Terzo libro de’ motetti a voce sola (Rome: Giacomo Fei, 1664) observes that Foggia “esteems and reveres” Gratiani. Another contemporary maestro might, however, have been Foggia’s antagonist, including Abbatini, who held regular musical academies at his house and who had suffered ill effects from Foggia’s negotiations for the Santa Maria Maggiore position in 1646 (see ref. 65), and Silvestro Durante, whose ineffectual suit against Foggia in 1648 may have still rankled; he was, in 1672, still the maestro at Santa Maria in Trastevere, the job he acquired on Foggia’s departure back in 1637. (It is not clear that Durante occupied that post continuously; see New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. “Durante, Silvestro.”) Rather than an established maestro, the antagonist may have been a younger musician, as Gaspari hypothesized: “qualche giovane compositore per innalzar se stesso denigrasse la fama del Foggia” (Catalogo, 2:71).

[120] Foggia had stood for election several times, always losing out to other maestri, including Durante and Gratiani; see Remo Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia dell’Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia, 2 vols. (Verona: Arnoldo Mondadori, 1970), 1:194, 200–1.

[121]  Other maestri had had significant stints as guardian prior to Foggia, though generally the years were not consecutive. Abbatini had served four years, Durante five, and Benevoli, seven. See Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia, 1:374.

[122] Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 87.

[123] This includes both the guardian and administrative positions: Giuseppe Piccini, the guardian of the organists, served the same years as Foggia (1673–83); Paolo Petti, the guardian of the instrumentalists, served 1673–81 (and was followed for the remainder of Foggia’s tenure by Arcangelo Corelli); the treasurer, Francesco Litirico, served 1669–1680; and the secretary, Alessandro Figlié, served 1664–83. See Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia, 1:374–75.

[124] The Belmonti dedication to Foggia in 1664 (a book of Gratiani solo motets—see ref. 25) contains the earliest printing yet found of Foggia’s heraldry. At this early point the arms consist of only the family design (a grid of lozenges or diamond shapes) within an oval escutcheon. The later printings of the arms in the 1670s depict an escutcheon of more dignified shape surmounted by a helmet indicating social rank. Although Rostirolla was not aware of this earliest presentation of the arms, his speculation about the later ones did point scholars in the right direction (see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 71, 75). For instance, Fassbender misidentifies the arms as those of a German prelate (“Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 49).

Other families of Roman musicians that had ascended from humble social origins also received coats-of-arms. Such was the case for the Gratiani family, for instance; see the dedication to Bonifatio Gratiani’s nephew of his Quarto libro di motetti a voce sola, 3rd ed. (Rome: “per il successor’ al Mascardi,” 1677), transcribed in Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:439.

[125] Foggia, Mottetti et offertorii, dedication by Caifabri: “Questa [la stampa] benchè muta, eloquente oratrice sa ridire i gesti altrui, sorda si ma sa render alle domande adeguate le risposte; insensata si ma saggia, mentre i più dotti bene ispesso con essa si consigliano; voce non ha et è tromba sonora; non ha moto e vola per l’universo; vita non ha, e ritoglie dalla morte chi deve morire. Questa è il nido, dove la fama prende per volare i vanni. La stampa è il vero antidoto per le mortificature del tempo; questa insomma è il balsamo per conservarsi al Mondo immortale” (an abridged version of the original text is in Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 269; for Caifabri’s complete text, see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 75–76). There are numerous indications that composers of sacred music in seventeenth-century Rome—and their publishers—thought of publishing as a way to establish one’s posterity. This is the sense of my paper “‘Publish or Perish’: Seventeenth-Century Roman Publishers and the Mass”: see International Musicological Society: 17th International Congress, Leuven 1–7 August 2002—Programme & Abstracts, ed. Ivan Asselman and Bruno Bouckaert (Peer: Alamire, 2002), 419–20.

[126] Amadeo Belmonti’s dedication to Foggia occurs in Gratiani, Terzo libro de’ motetti a voce sola (Rome: Giacomo Fei, 1664). After observing that Foggia’s pen is like “the chisel that inscribes the porphyry of perpetuity,” Belmonti goes on, “nor do your gifts end here, since by means of a fertile piety you have in your children the excellence of the same legacy.” (“…con lode immortale del suo Nome [Foggia], e per giuditio universale dell’Intendenti di simile Professione ha fatto risonare con harmoniose voci, i Sacri Tempij più celebri di Roma, non solo ne parlano le bocche degli huomini, ma ne sono testimonij consegniati all’eternità delle Stampe, e tramandati alla memoria de’ Posteri, per vivere una vita nel risonante regno della Fama, che mai morrà, li aggraditi Componimenti, che sono usciti dalla sua penna, che a guisa di scalpello hann’incisi nel porfido della Perpetuità, quante note, altritanti caratteri, che servono per Elogio del suo valore. Ne qui finiscono i suoi pregi; perche ad uso di pieta feconda, ha ne’ suoi Figli con arte l’eccellenza della medema trasmessa.”) For an early modern advice manual that states literally, “a father’s memory rests in his children, allowing him to be reborn through his sons,” see Leonardo Fioravanti, Dello specchio di scientia universale (Venice: Vincenzo Valgrisi, 1564), 209, discussed in Rudolph Bell, How to Do It: Guides to Good Living for Renaissance Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 211.

[127] Simi Bonini, Il fondo musicale … di S. Girolamo della Carità, 39.

[128] For Antonio Foggia and Alessandro Scarlatti at San Girolamo, see Simi Bonini, Il fondo musicale … di S. Girolamo della Carità, 39; for Scarlatti at Santa Maria Maggiore, see Simi Bonini, “L’attività degli Scarlatti nella Basilica liberiana,” in Händel e gli Scarlatti a Roma: Atti del convegno internationale di studi (Roma 1985), ed. Nino Pirotta and Augustino Ziino, (Florence: Olschki, 1987), 153–73.

[129] Messe a tre, quattro, e cinque voci (Rome: Giovanni Angelo Mutii, 1675, “L’Anno del Giubileo”) (RISM F1453). For the text of this dedication see Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 1239, or Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 77. Caifabri’s praise for Antonio’s youthful accomplishment (“uno de’ primi parti de’ suoi sudori in età sì giovenile”) comes in his twenty-third year; it would have been still more appropriate in conjunction with Antonio’s first publication, a motet in Florido de Silvestris, ed., Cantiones sacras ab excellentissimis musices auctoribus tribus diversis vocibus suavissimis modulis concinnatas (Rome: Giacomo Fei, 1668), when Antonio was sixteen.

[130] See Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 195–97. All reference sources, with the exception of the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed., present this 1675 print as a new edition and fail to recognize it as either a partial reprint or re-release of the 1663 volume.

[131] Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 78.

[132] Montford, “L’anno santo and Female Monastic Churches,” Table 1, identifies Antonio as the maestro for the service held at Santa Marta on Aug. 28, 1675; Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 106, identifies Santa Marta as the convent for the Foggia daughters, Maddalena and Maria Antonia, known then by their religious names, Suor Angela Maddalena and Suor Chiara Maria; see the Belmonti dedication of Gratiani’s Terzo libro di mottetti and Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 106.

[133] Foggia writes, “gravi senio confectus elucubravi.” He may however exaggerate the effort involved in composing the Offertoria. At least four of the offertories had been written well before he arrived at Santa Maria Maggiore. The earlier Mottetti et offertorii of 1673 offers versions of Mihi autem, Veritas mea, Laetamini in Domino, and Inveni David; see Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 265 and 270, and Peter Tenhaef, “Francesco Foggias Offertorien und der Begriff ‘Offertorium’ im 17. Jahrhundert,” in Francesco Foggia: “Fenice de’ musicali compositori” nel florido Seicento romano e nella storia, ed. Ala Botti Caselli (Palestrina: Fondazione Palestrina, 1998), 268n6. In using the word “elucubravi” (literally, “composed by lamplight [at night]”) in the dedication to Offertoria, Foggia may allude to nocturnal work habits. He employs similar terms in other dedications as well: “lucubrationes” (Missa et sacrae cantiones, 1650), “Musicas lucubrationes meas” (Litaniae et sacrae cantiones, 1652), “lucubrationes hae meae” (Psalmi quaternis vocibus, 1660). See the full texts of these dedications in Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 49, 54, 55.

[134] Quoted in Burke, Musicians of S. Maria Maggiore, 107: “Donata fuere Francisco Foggia musico directori scuta decem pro ricognitionem laborum extra ordinem factorum quos Illustrissimus Mutius representavit” (Jan. 14, 1680).

[135] Bernini had also been the dedicatee of Foggia’s Sacrae cantiones of 1665 and for a time was the prefect of the choir at Santa Maria Maggiore (he is identified as such in the Offertoria dedication). See Burke, Musicians of S. Maria Maggiore, and Luca Della Libera, “La musica nella basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore a Roma, 1676–1712: Nuovi documenti su Corelli e sugli organici vocali e strumentali,” Recercare 7 (1995): 87–161.

[136] One factor at San Lorenzo in Damaso may have motivated Foggia to look elsewhere: his longtime patron there, the titular cardinal Francesco Barberini, was well along in years and died within two years of Foggia’s move. Regarding Pasquini, this organist-composer had served Santa Maria Maggiore since 1664 and was well-known to Foggia from a number of previous performances together (e.g., those at San Marcello). See Botti Caselli, “Gli oratori di Francesco Foggia,” passim, and Alexander Silbiger, “The Roman Frescobaldi Tradition, c. 1640–1670,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 33, no. 1 (Spring 1980): 48.

[137] Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 28. The father and son appointments were conditional on their both agreeing to move into the maestro’s usual residence (at the basilica’s expense) in the adjacent parish of Santa Prassede. The extended Foggia family ended up residing there, including Francesco and Eugenia, their eldest son, Paolo (the priest at San Giovanni in Laterano), Antonio and his wife, Teresa Massari, and their two children, Anna Maria Francesca and Maria Maddalena. There were also choir boys in residence. See Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 79–80, and Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” passim. Burke was the first to examine the Santa Prassede parish documents, and he comments that the Foggia household “was probably the only example in Rome of a maestro di cappella living with his grandchildren”; see Musicians of S. Maria Maggiore, 20.

[138] Antonio also wrote a handful of oratorios, but these survive today only as librettos without music. See Howard Smither, New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. “Foggia, Antonio,” and Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 112–14.

[139] The will names Antonio’s two daughters as beneficiaries in the event that neither he nor his brother, Paolo, should survive Francesco. Despite his extensive sick leaves, Antonio still enjoyed respect among the city’s musicians; in 1696 he was elected as guardian of maestri in the Congregazione dei Musici—but had to decline the office for health reasons (Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia, 1:375). For the biographical data, see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 108, 113–15, 120–23.

[140] Rome in this period has been described as a “city under siege” in Massimo Petrocchi, Roma nel Seicento, Storia di Roma 14 (Bologna: L. Cappelli, 1970) (quoted in Sonnino, “The Population in Baroque Rome,” 60). Nonetheless, its situation was preferable to that of Italy’s other great cities: during the seventeenth century the population of Naples, Palermo, Venice, and Milan all declined or stagnated, while Rome’s grew by more than 30%; see Sonnino, “The Population in Baroque Rome,” 53.

[141] Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia, 1:203.

[142] See Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 33; Burke, Musicians of S. Maria Maggiore, 20n48; and Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 88.

[143] This was on Jan. 26, 1688; see Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia, 1:202–4, and Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 88.

[144] For the will, see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 120–23. In the middle of the text Foggia begs Paolo, the older son, to be favorably disposed to his brother: “… e lo prego in oltre anche star’unito con il suo fratello Antonio altro mio figliolo acciò unitamente vivendo possa sempre regnare la pace nella mia casa …” The terms of the will prohibit Antonio from selling the music or organ without Paolo’s prior agreement.

[145] Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 106.

[146] Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 116, 117n93.

[147] The collection was edited by the Carmelite monk Spiridion à Monte Carmeli: Musica romana D.D. Foggiae, Charissimi, Gratiani, aliorumque excellentissimorum authorum (Bamberg: Joannis Eliae Hoffling, 1665) (RISM 16653); see the facsimile of the titlepage in Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 348.

[148] Athanasius Kircher, Musurgia universalis, sive Ars magna consoni et dissoni (Rome, 1650), quoted in Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 50. Giovanni Maria Bononcini, Musico prattico (Bologna: Giacomo Monti, 1673; reprint, New York: Broude Bros., 1969), 121.

[149] Abbatini and Carissimi were still living in 1673; the deceased named by Bononcini include Benevoli, Gratiani, Stefano Fabri, and Virgilio Mazzocchi.

[150] In Sonate a tre, dui [!] violini, e leuto o violone con il basso per l’organo (Rome: Giovanni Angelo Mutii, 1682); see Claudio Sartori, Bibliografia della musica strumentale italiana stampata in Italia fino al 1700, 2 vols. (Florence: Olschki, 1952), 1:500–1. Mannelli’s publications were exclusively of sonatas, but the violinist himself had connections with sacred music (and may even have composed an oratorio; see Botti Caselli, “Gli oratori di Francesco Foggia,” 334). On at least one occasion, Foggia and Mannelli performed together, as witnessed by the employment list for an oratorio produced at San Marcello in 1675. Foggia is named as maestro and Mannelli listed in the third choir; see the facsimile in Botti Caselli, “Gli oratori di Francesco Foggia,” 398–99. In any case, the liturgical implications of some sonatas have been clarified in recent years by Gregory Barnett’s research; see inter alia “Sonata (da chiesa): Terminology and Its Implications,” in Atti del XII convegno internazionale sulla musica italiana nei secoli XVII–XVIII, ed. Alberto Colzani, Barocco padano 4 (Como: AMIS, 2006), 119–44.

[151] Liberati, Lettera scritta dal Sig. Antimo Liberati in risposta ad una del Sig. Ovidio Persapegi (Rome: Mascardi, 1685). Persapegi’s request to Liberati is dated August 18, 1684, and Liberati’s response, October 15, 1684. The colophon at the end of the print gives the publication date.

[152] For a brief discussion of why Liberati was able to avoid the prejudices papal choristers usually displayed against members of the Congregazione, see Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 41–42.

[153] Liberati, Lettera, 27–28: “Di questo impareggiabile ingegno, e Maestro [Agostini], trà gli altri, n’è stato degno Scholare, e Genero il Signor Francesco Foggia ancor vivente, ancorche ottuagenario, e di buona salute per grazia speciale di Dio, e per benefizio publico, essendo il sostegno, e’l Padre della Musica, e della vera harmonia Ecclesiastica, come nelle Stampe ha saputo far vedere, e sentire tanta varietà di stile, & in tutti far conoscere il grande, l’erudito, il nobile, il pulito, il facile, & il dilettevole, tanto al sapiente, quanto all’ignorante; tutte cose, che difficilmente si trovano in un solo huomo, che dovrebbe esser’imitato da tutti i seguaci di buon gusto della Musica, come io hò cercato di fare colla mia debolezza, essendo stato sempre invaghito, & innamorato di quella nobilissima maniera di concertare.” Liberati’s claim that he has imitated Foggia’s style is all the more remarkable in view of the fact that he had studied with Benevoli (see Lettera, 29–30). This did not prevent him from making Foggia second only to Palestrina in his “pantheon” of Roman composers.

Liberati’s esteem for the popular appeal of Foggia’s music (“tanto al sapiente, quanto all’ignorante”) stands in contrast with another strain of Catholic-Reformation thought, according to which sacred music ought to separate itself from all popularizing tendencies. Agazzari expresses this view in La musica ecclesiastica dove si contiene la vera diffinitione della musica come scienza, non più veduta, e sua nobiltà (Siena, 1638): “… convenendo al popol christiano stare in chiesa con devotione et humiltà adorando e lodando Dio, a questo deve esser acceso et invitato dalle musiche e in questo modo si deve comporre e cantare, e non per compiacimento loro, e dar gusto al popolo, lo che aborrisce Dio, e non ascolta arie che si cantano per le piazze e ritrovi di donne …” (edition in Colleen Reardon, Agostino Agazzari and Music at Siena Cathedral, 1597–1641 [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993], 191–95).

[154] On the Corelli-Colonna dispute, see F[ranck] T[homas] Arnold, The Art of Accompaniment from a Thorough-bass as Practised in the XVIIth & XVIIIth Centuries (London: Holland Press, 1961), 901–2, and Allsop, Arcangelo Corelli, 36–37.

[155] In addition to their connections through the musicians’ guild (see ref. 123 above), Corelli and Foggia also knew each other through performances at Santa Maria Maggiore, as Corelli was repeatedly hired there as a violinist for straordinarie services, probably starting in 1676; see Della Libera, “La musica nella basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore a Roma,” 89–93. It is equally clear that Foggia and Simonelli would have known each other for many years; around 1648 they lived in apartments in the same building on the via della Pilotta (see Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 101–2).

[156] Offertoria quaternis, quinis, senis, octonisque vocibus cum organo, vel sine organo concinenda, quae in solemnitatius pro Communibus Sanctorum decantari solent (Rome: Mascardi, 1681). For the dedication see Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 83–84, or Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 264–65, but neither reproduces the anonymous preface (“Un amico dell’autore a chi legge”). This preface begins by observing the artistic advantages proper to both youth and maturity, but then goes on to claim that for the superannuated Foggia, who is “in the somber winter of a more than senile age, flowers appear more beautiful [and] fruits sweeter” (“Che nella Primavera di gioventù à mille, à mille spuntino fiori d’ingegnosa vivacità; che nel Autunno della virilità si raccolgano frutti di saggie operationi è proprietà d’un’ingegno fecondo; mà che nel cupo Verno d’una più che senile età si mirino più vaghi i fiori, più soavi i frutti, è meraviglioso preggio del fertilissimo ingegno del Signor Francesco Foggia”). It may seem discourteous to say that Foggia was in a “senile” age, but this resonates with a common way of understanding human aging. The Renaissance humanist Matteo Palmieri divided the life span into six stages: infancy, childhood, adolescence (which lasts until the age of twenty-eight), virility (until fifty-six), old age (until seventy), and thereafter decrepitude (see Bell, How to Do It, 295n11). At the publishing of the Offertoria, Foggia was in his upper 70s.

[157] For an overview of the volume and its place within seventeenth-century Offertory compositions in general, see Peter Tenhaef, “Francesco Foggias Offertorien und der Begriff ‘Offertorium’ im 17. Jahrhundert,” in Francesco Foggia: “Fenice de’ musicali compositori” nel florido Seicento romano e nella storia, ed. Ala Botti Caselli (Palestrina: Fondazione Palestrina, 1998), 265–75. The first three offertories are Ave Maria, Beata es virgo, and Assumpta est Maria (an edition of Assumpta appears in Foggia, Mottetti, ed. Morche, 140–51). As for the Salve regina, it is characteristic of Foggia’s publications to conclude with a Marian work (see Miller, “Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” 437n225, and Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia,” 41–53). The setting of Serve bone et fidelis, one of two eight-voice works in the volume, apparently had special significance for Santa Maria Maggiore as Foggia modeled a mass upon it which still exists in the archive today (see ref. 106 above). This motet considerably impressed Hugo Leichtentritt; he compared a motive in the bass there with the “timpani motive in the Scherzo of Beethoven’s Ninth”; see Geschichte der Motette, Kleine Handbücher der Musikgeschichte nach Gattungen 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1908), 272. Joseph Killing also compared Foggia’s works with Beethoven’s, in Kirchenmusikalische Schätze der Bibliothek des Abbate Fortunato Santini: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der katholischen Kirchenmusik in Italien (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1910), 127–35 (cited in Morche, “Francesco Foggia: Sein Beitrag zur konzertierenden Motette,” 126).

[158] Powers, “Modal Representation in Polyphonic Offertories,” Early Music History 2 (1982): 43–86.

[159] Offertoria totius anni secundum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae consuetudinem, quinque vocibus concinenda, 2 vols. (Rome: Coattinus, 1593). A partial manuscript copy of the Offertoria was prepared around 1665 for Santa Maria in Trastevere; see Lionnet, “Una svolta nella storia del Collegio dei Cantori Pontifici,” 81n35.

[160] Sacrae modulationes nunc primum in lucem editae … una cum bassus ad organum, 3 vols. (Venice: Alessandro Vincenti, 1628). For the contents of the three volumes, arranged by feast and genre, see Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 240–43. Also see Regina Chauvin, “The Sacrae modulationes of Lorenzo Ratti (Bologna, 1628)” (Ph.D. diss., Tulane University, 1973).

[161] Settings of Proper texts for the Office were much more common in seventeenth-century Rome than those for the Mass. Psalm collections were ubiquitous, and there were also publications of both hymns (e.g., Gratiani, Hinni vespertini, 1673) and antiphons (e.g., Giamberti, Antiphonae et motecta festi omnibus propria et communia iuxta formam Breviarii Romani, 1650). A very few Passions and Requiems—both related to Mass Propers—were also published. In addition, many of Ugolini’s publications early in the century (Sacrae cantiones [1614], Motecta sive sacrae cantiones [1616], etc.) bear festal designations, but it is not clear that these motets were primarily intended for the Mass, and Ugolini seems in any case to have drawn most of his texts from the Office.

In truth, Foggia’s Offertoria is itself imprecisely titled: it offers eighteen Offertories for the Mass but also five works for the Office (four antiphons for vespers and the Salve regina). Foggia apparently selected the texts of these particular Offertories for their versatility; most belong not to a single feast but rather to the Common of the Saints and could have been sung many times during the liturgical year. Apart from those for the Marian feasts, only one of Foggia’s offertories has a unique liturgical assignment: Confessio et pulchritudo for the feast of St. Lawrence on August 10, a five-voice composition that Foggia probably wrote while maestro at San Lorenzo in Damaso. The liturgical identifications in Foggia’s Offertoria are confirmed by a contemporary source, the so-called “Medicean Edition”; see the facsimile edition: Graduale de Sanctis iuxta ritum Sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae: Editio princeps (1614–1615), ed. Giacomo Baroffio and Eun Ju Kim, Monumenta Studia Instrumenta Liturgica 11 (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2001).

[162] In the anecdote the young Ratti found himself in the company of saintly personages at the funeral of an unidentified man. Although the funeral was taking place in the open air outside of Rome alongside the Tiber River, Ratti and the other participants had access to liturgical books, read from the Matins for the Dead, and chanted the appropriate responsories. Rossi’s account does not clarify whether this occurred in a dream, a vision, or some other variety of mystical experience. The account is described and translated in Dixon, “Lorenzo Ratti: Exemplum Virtutum.”

[163] Lionnet, “Una svolta nella storia del Collegio dei Cantori Pontifici,” 81–82.

[164] Lionnet, “Una svolta nella storia del Collegio dei Cantori Pontifici,” was the first to publish much of the documentation involved. For amplification of several points, see Miller, “On Common Ground: Palestrina, Musica commune, and Seventeenth-Century Roman Sacred Music,” 1054–59.

[165] For instance, the oeuvres of the younger maestri Giuseppe Ottavio Pitoni (1657–1743) and Giovanni Giorgi (before 1700?–1762) are dominated by the liturgical genres (masses, graduals, offertories, etc.); see Siegfried Gmeinwieser, Giuseppe Ottavio Pitoni: Thematisches Werkverzeichnis, Sacri concentus 2 (Wilhelmshaven: Heinrichshofen, 1976) and Laurence Feininger, Repertorium liturgiae polychoralis, vol. 1, Catalogus thematicus et bibliographicus Joannis de Georgitis operum sacrarum omnium (Trent: Societas Universalis Sanctae Ceciliae, 1962). Similarly, the eighteenth-century Roman Giovanni Battista Casali composed a set of offertories; see Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:50.

[166] The first papal proclamation in this regard, Piae sollecitudinis studio, was issued by Alexander VII in 1657. On September 3, 1678, Innocent XI reiterated it with the additional stipulation that all maestri sign a notarized oath of their intention to obey the regulations, “to the effect that if any transgression be found, that they may be punished by Us as perjurers, even through corporal punishment, and be deprived of the exercises of their office in perpetuity, without the hope of reinstatement.” Translated in Robert F. Hayburn, Papal Legislation on Sacred Music: 95 A.D. to 1977 A.D. (Collegeville, Minn.: The Liturgical Press, 1979), 80. Just three weeks later Foggia signed his pledge and had it notarized; see Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 28 and 313–14, and Rostirolla, “Vita di Francesco Foggia,” 82–83.

[167] For locations of the printed exemplars, see RISM F1454 and FF1454. Manuscripts of one or more pieces from Offertoria reside in numerous archives, including A-Wn, D-Bds, D-Mbs, D-MÜs, GB-Lbm, I-Bc, I-Fc, and I-Rli. These are noted in Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 75–115. For additional notices of those at D-MÜs, see Jonathan Couchman, “Felice Anerio’s Music for the Church and for the Altemps Cappella” (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Los Angeles, 1989), 515, and for those at I-Bc, see Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:72 and 286. Also, ten of the four-voice offertories appear in I-Rvat, CG, IV.73 (not catalogued in Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia).

[168] Pitoni, Notitia, 326.

[169] Pitoni, Notitia, 351. Beyond being simply a student, Pitoni’s family had lived with the Foggias for a time; see ref. 95 above.

[170] Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 38: “Mit dem Tode Francesco Foggias endet auch die römische Schule. Nur wenige nach ihm waren wie er das ‘Zünglein an der Waage,’ einerseits in der Bewahrung des a cappella-Stiles Palestrinas bis weit in die zweite Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts, andererseits in der Aufgeschlossenheit für die konzertante Kirchenmusik.”

[171] Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 118: “In Foggia, la cui produzione compositiva abbraccia i decenni nel cuore del Seicento, si giunse a vedere ‘l’ultima pietra’ della scuola romana di diretta ascendenza palestriniana, come scrisse il p. Martini e come ribadì il Baini.”

[172] Morche, “Francesco Foggia: Sein Beitrag zur konzertierenden Motette.”

[173] Baini’s bio-bibliography for Foggia appears in Memorie storico-critiche … di Palestrina, 2:45–46n486.

[174] Baini, Memorie storico-critiche … di Palestrina, 2:51, 65–66.

[175] Martini’s letters reveal an immense breadth of interests; see the summaries in Anne Schnoebelen, Padre Martini’s Collection of Letters in the Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale in Bologna: An Annotated Index, Annotated Reference Tools in Music 2 (New York: Pendragon, 1979).

[176] Martini, Esemplare o sia saggio fondamentale pratico di contrappunto, 2 vols. (Bologna: Lelio della Volpe, 1775), 2:294.

[177] Martini, Esemplare, vol. 2, passim. Martini (2:45) gives the Palestrina mass as “Messa terza,” the title in the original 1582 print.

[178] Foggia’s motets are printed in score format at pp.47–54 and 54–65. Foggia originally published both in Sacrae cantiones tribus vocibus paribus sine cantu (Rome: Giacomo Fei, 1665). See Simi Bonini, Catalogo del fondo musicale di Santa Maria in Trastevere, 321–22, and Fassbender, “Francesco Foggia: Untersuchungen,” 47–48.

[179] Esemplare, 2:47–48: “dalle quali [Foggia’s published works] non solo i Giovani, che si applicano a quest’Arte, ma anche i Maestri potranno comprendere la finezza dell’Arte.”

[180] Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:72; also see Ala Botti Caselli, “Presentazione,” in Francesco Foggia: “Fenice de’ musicali compositori” nel florido Seicento romano e nella storia, ed. Ala Botti Caselli (Palestrina: Fondazione Palestrina, 1998), 11–22, esp. 16–17.

[181] Franchi, “La famiglia Foggia,” 106.